从“纯粹民主”到“纯粹共和”:普布利乌斯论美国政体的独特性

George Heffernan
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摘要

在《联邦党人文集》的关键部分,普普利乌斯认为,唯一好的人民政府是共和的人民政府,唯一好的共和的人民政府是联邦共和的人民政府。这两种观点的关键在于“民主”与“共和”的区别;普布利乌斯所说的前者指的是一种人民政府的形式,在这种形式中,公民亲自集会并直接管理政府事务,因此这样的社会必须被限制在少数公民和一小块地方;对于后者,他指的是一种人民政府的形式,在这种形式中,政府事务的管理被委托给由其他公民选举出来的一定数量的公民,也就是说,在这种形式中,代议制得以实施,这样一个社会就可以扩展到大量的公民和一个大国。尽管在《联邦党人文集》上写了大量的材料,但从来没有人怀疑过这种区别的有效性。但目前的研究表明,首先,与人们普遍认为的情况相反,普布利乌斯试图做出的区分在逻辑上是无效的;其次,它又一次证明,真正具有决定性的区别,不是“民主”和“共和”的区别,而是“坏共和国”和“好共和国”的区别,这与人们普遍认为的情况正好相反;其次,它再次证明,与人们普遍假设的相反,是普布利乌斯自己在《联邦党人文集》中说的;最后,它展示了这种原创的,独特的,但正确的,对《联邦党人论》的理解,对普布利乌斯关于共和主义的教导,以及对联邦制的教导,所产生的影响。因此,《联邦党人文集》的“标准解释”将不再相同。
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From “Pure Democracy” to ‘Pure Republic’: Publius on the Unique Character of the American Polity
In key numbers of The Federalist Publius argues that the only good form of popular government is republican popular government and that the only good form of republican popular government is federal republican popular government. Essential to both arguments is the distinction between "democracy" and "republic"; By the former Publius means a form of popular government in which the citizens assemble in person and administer the affairs of government directly, so that such a society must be confined to a small number of citizens and a little spot; by the latter he means a form of popular government in which the administration of the affairs of government is delegated to a certain number of citizens elected by the rest, that is, in which the scheme of representation takes place, so that such a society can be extended over a large number of citizens and a big country. Despite the great quantity of material which has been written on The Federalist, no one has ever doubted the validity of this distinction. But the present study shows, first, that-contrary to that which one universally supposes to be the case--the distinction which Publius tries to make is not a logically valid one; then, it proves that--again, contrary to that which one universally believes to be so--the really decisive distinction is not the one between "democracy" and "republic", but rather the one between 'bad republics' and 'good republics'; next, it demonstrates that--once again, contrary to that which one universally presupposes to be-it is Publius himself in The Federalist itself who says that that is how it is; and finally, it shows what consequences this original and therefore unique, but nonetheless correct understanding of The Federalist entails for Publius' teaching on republicanism and, by implication, on federalism. Therefore, 'the standard interpretation' of The Federalist will never be the same again.
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