詹姆斯·麦迪逊和古典共和党传统

Peter Fuss
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摘要

本文的论点是,麦迪逊在1787- 1788年《联邦党人文集》中阐明了他为宪法提案辩护的政治哲学原则,最好的理解是,他立即援引、丰富了“古典共和主义”或“公民人文主义”传统,并在几个关键点上几乎放弃了这些传统。我分析了麦迪逊对柏拉图和亚里士多德,马基雅维利和卢梭的回应的矛盾特征,涉及到政治体的质量和复杂性,代表原则,派系主义的遏制,以及政治合法化和更新的本质。作为普遍的共识,詹姆斯·麦迪逊作为一位政治思想家的名声建立在双重基础之上。大多数历史学家继续授予他“宪法之父”的称号;他对《联邦党人文集》(Federalist papers)的贡献——1787年和1788年在纽约主要报纸上发表的由85封匆忙写成的匿名“致公众信”——帮助确立了这一了不起的文件的地位,使其成为有史以来对美国宪法最权威的评论,或许也是美国政治理论中无可争议的经典很少有人认识到,直到最近才有人提出这样一个事实:在很大程度上,由于麦迪逊的影响,这两份文件都属于一个单一的,尽管复杂的经验和思想传统,即古典共和主义或公民人文主义。它最初在伯里克利的雅典和前帝国时期的罗马实行,在亚里士多德那里发现了它的第一个伟大的哲学表达。在漫长的沉寂之后,它在15世纪马基雅维利和吉恰尔迪尼的佛罗伦萨再次繁荣起来,在17世纪的荷兰有短暂的重生,并在17、18世纪英国及其美洲殖民地的革命政治史上发挥了关键作用。公民人文主义的特征从一开始就是广泛的民众参与,有时甚至是人民主权,通过在一个紧密结合的社区中“混合”政府的工具,寻求最小化或至少缓和个人和阶级之间社会经济差异的政治影响。共和主义为所谓的“古典”选项提供了第四种选择:君主制、贵族制和民主制,体现了源自其中每一种的元素,但它本身却不能归结为其中任何一种。在这一传统中,普遍存在着对内部腐败的恐惧,以及对公民美德的相应关注,
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James Madison and the Classical Republican Tradition
The thesis pursued here is that Madison, in articulating the principles of political philosophy underlying his defense of the proposed constitution in his contributions to the Federalist Papers of 1787-8, can best be understood as at once invoking, enriching, and on several key points all but abandoning the "classical republican" or "civic humanist" tradition. I analyze the ambivalent character of Madison's response to Plato and Aristotle, Machiavelli and Rousseau with respect to the quality and complexity of the body politic, the principle of representation, the containment of factionalism, and the nature of political legitimation and renewal. Imly general consensus, James Madison's renown as a political thinker rests on a dual foundation. Most historians continue to bestow on him the title "Father of the Constitution"; and all agree that his contributions to the Federalist Papers-a series of eighty-five hastily composed, anonymous "letters to the public" printed in New York's leading newspapers in 1787 and 1788-helped establish this remarkable document as the most authoritative commentary on the u.s. Constitution ever written, and perhaps as the one indisputable American classic in political theory.1 Much less widely recognized, and argued for only fairly recently,2 is the fact that, thanks largely to Madison's influence, both documents belong to a single though complex tradition of experience and thought known as classical republicanism or civic humanism. Originally practiced in Periclean Athens and in pre-imperial Rome, it found its first great philosophical articulation in Aristotle. After a long hiatus, it flourished once more in the fifteenth-century Florence of Machiavelli and Guicciardini, had a brief rebirth in seventeenth-century Holland, and played a key role in the seventeenthand eighteenth-century revolutionary political history of England and her American colonies. Characteristic of civic humanism from the first was broad popular participation, and on occasion even popular sovereignty, through the instrumentalities of "mixed" government in a tight-knit community that sought to minimize, or at least temper the political effects of, socioeconomic differences between individuals and classes. RepUblicanism provided a fourth alternative to the so-called "classical" options: monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, embodying elements derived from each of them but itself reducible to none of them. Pervasive in this tradition is a fear of corruption from within, and a corresponding preoccupation with citizenly virtue,
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