{"title":"宗教犹太复国主义和定居点项目","authors":"M. Inbari","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2119651","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"crime. This generated deep resentment among the people of Mosul. (p. 67). Furthermore, the IS’s uncompromising policy of gender segregation and clothing requirements complicated even the basic provision of health service not only to the great detriment of the people of Mosul, but also its own fighters. As Aarseth writes, ‘ISIS’s destructive mix of ideologically motivated micromanagement, lack of overall planning, and exploitative behavior at the expense of civilians accelerated the breakdown of the health system and reinforced the public discontent with ISIS more generally (p. 98).’ It is also not clear to me how ISIS ‘fatwa’ justifying sex slavery of Yezidi girls and the justification of burning a Jordanian pilot (p. 124) are examples of ‘adjusting ideology to practical concerns’ (p. 124). These extremely violent practices that were explicitly and emphatically justified on religious grounds by IS magnified widespread abhorrence against the IS and facilitated the formation of a broad coalition bringing its downfall. Consequently, if we put rebel organizations on a spectrum from ideological pragmatism to dogmatism, it is clear that IS is located at the extreme right of this spectrum. Overall, Mosul under ISIS generates valuable empirical insights about civilian experience during the IS occupation of one of the most important urban centers in Iraq. Importantly, it brings the voices of these civilians to the forefront. It is pertinent not only to scholars of Salafi-jihadism and insurgencies but also to the general public who would like to learn more about the bitter legacy of IS.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"23 1","pages":"382 - 385"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7000,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"7","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Religious Zionism and the settlement project\",\"authors\":\"M. Inbari\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/21567689.2022.2119651\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"crime. This generated deep resentment among the people of Mosul. (p. 67). Furthermore, the IS’s uncompromising policy of gender segregation and clothing requirements complicated even the basic provision of health service not only to the great detriment of the people of Mosul, but also its own fighters. As Aarseth writes, ‘ISIS’s destructive mix of ideologically motivated micromanagement, lack of overall planning, and exploitative behavior at the expense of civilians accelerated the breakdown of the health system and reinforced the public discontent with ISIS more generally (p. 98).’ It is also not clear to me how ISIS ‘fatwa’ justifying sex slavery of Yezidi girls and the justification of burning a Jordanian pilot (p. 124) are examples of ‘adjusting ideology to practical concerns’ (p. 124). These extremely violent practices that were explicitly and emphatically justified on religious grounds by IS magnified widespread abhorrence against the IS and facilitated the formation of a broad coalition bringing its downfall. Consequently, if we put rebel organizations on a spectrum from ideological pragmatism to dogmatism, it is clear that IS is located at the extreme right of this spectrum. Overall, Mosul under ISIS generates valuable empirical insights about civilian experience during the IS occupation of one of the most important urban centers in Iraq. Importantly, it brings the voices of these civilians to the forefront. It is pertinent not only to scholars of Salafi-jihadism and insurgencies but also to the general public who would like to learn more about the bitter legacy of IS.\",\"PeriodicalId\":44955,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Politics Religion & Ideology\",\"volume\":\"23 1\",\"pages\":\"382 - 385\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.7000,\"publicationDate\":\"2022-07-03\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"7\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Politics Religion & Ideology\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"90\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2119651\",\"RegionNum\":2,\"RegionCategory\":\"哲学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"HISTORY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Politics Religion & Ideology","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2119651","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
crime. This generated deep resentment among the people of Mosul. (p. 67). Furthermore, the IS’s uncompromising policy of gender segregation and clothing requirements complicated even the basic provision of health service not only to the great detriment of the people of Mosul, but also its own fighters. As Aarseth writes, ‘ISIS’s destructive mix of ideologically motivated micromanagement, lack of overall planning, and exploitative behavior at the expense of civilians accelerated the breakdown of the health system and reinforced the public discontent with ISIS more generally (p. 98).’ It is also not clear to me how ISIS ‘fatwa’ justifying sex slavery of Yezidi girls and the justification of burning a Jordanian pilot (p. 124) are examples of ‘adjusting ideology to practical concerns’ (p. 124). These extremely violent practices that were explicitly and emphatically justified on religious grounds by IS magnified widespread abhorrence against the IS and facilitated the formation of a broad coalition bringing its downfall. Consequently, if we put rebel organizations on a spectrum from ideological pragmatism to dogmatism, it is clear that IS is located at the extreme right of this spectrum. Overall, Mosul under ISIS generates valuable empirical insights about civilian experience during the IS occupation of one of the most important urban centers in Iraq. Importantly, it brings the voices of these civilians to the forefront. It is pertinent not only to scholars of Salafi-jihadism and insurgencies but also to the general public who would like to learn more about the bitter legacy of IS.