语名一致的微变异:两种伦巴第高山方言的分析

Pub Date : 2021-04-26 DOI:10.1515/probus-2021-0003
Diego Pescarini
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在伦巴第阿尔卑斯方言Bregagliotto和Mesolcinese中,女性复数的agreement/concord以形成性的-n为标志,这是第三人称复数动词结尾的反射。在Bregagliotto中,复数-n在倒置语境中触发了女性主语clitic的中间危机,而在名词短语中-n则作为复数女性和谐的第二位置元素。当女性复数主语或女性复数宾语阴蒂出现时,美索拉语表现出动词的性别一致性,形成性-n出现在变形动词上;在阴性复数DPs中,-n可以加在除定冠词以外的任何元素上。我认为Bregagliotto系统是在-n作为一个复数修饰语被重新分析的时候出现的,而在Mesolcinese, -n已经变成了词形上的和谐/一致的标志。
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Microvariation in Verbal and Nominal Agreement: An Analysis of Two Lombard Alpine Dialects
Abstract In Bregagliotto and Mesolcinese, two Lombard Alpine dialects, feminine plural agreement/concord is marked by the formative -n, a reflex of the third person plural verbal ending. In Bregagliotto, plural -n triggers mesoclisis of the feminine subject clitic in contexts of inversion, whereas in the noun phrase -n behaves as a second-position element marking plural feminine concord. Mesolcinese exhibits verbal gender agreement as the formative -n occurs on the inflected verb whenever a feminine plural subject or the feminine plural object clitic occurs; in feminine plural DPs, -n is attached to any element except the definite article. I argue that the Bregagliotto system emerged when -n was reanalysed as an adjunct pluraliser, whereas in Mesolcinese -n has been turned into a marker of morphophonological concord/agreement.
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