为公民身份而奋斗:俄罗斯的公民参与与国家

Q2 Social Sciences Demokratizatsiya Pub Date : 2010-09-22 DOI:10.3200/DEMO.18.4.287-308
Suvi Salmenniemi
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Organizations founded during the Soviet era attempt to retain the Soviet citizenship model and the paternalist social contract underpinning it, while organizations founded during the post-Soviet period call for more participatory notions of citizenship. Keywords: citizenship, civic organizations, Russia, state ********** \"I think these notions are somewhat strange to us, that there should be an agreement, public decision, some joint symposia, congresses, compacts, deals. People power. Today, we need strict power--I may be wrong though--but it should be a strict vertical power arrangement, to establish some kind of order in our country.\" This quotation from an official of the regional government in Tver, contemplating whether citizens and their organizations should have more say about local issues, captures the prevailing ethos in state-society relations in contemporary Russia. While during the Yeltsin era the political landscape was characterized by the dispersion of power from the federal to the regional and municipal levels and the mushrooming of independent civic organizations, Vladimir Putin's and Dmitry Medvedev's terms in office have been marked by a recentralization of power and a more active and interventionist role of the state in steering social development in the spirit of \"sovereign democracy.\" In terms of civic activism, this process has been riddled with contradictions. On the one hand, civic organizations and governmental structures have started collaborating with one another more than before, and various mechanisms of cooperation have been established. For example, two federal-level civic forums were organized in Moscow in 2001 and 2008, followed by a number of similar regional forums, and a system of federal and regional public chambers (obshchestvennye palaty) has been created that seeks to foster dialogue between the state and society. (1) The authorities have also begun distributing funding to civic organizations, prioritizing in particular youth and social-welfare initiatives. (2) The political elite also actively circulate the concept of civil society in public discourse and emphasize its importance--implying that the concept has certain symbolic value in their own concept of political development. (3) On the other hand, the state has also placed several new restrictions on activism and increased its bureaucratic control, most importantly via amendments made to the law on civic associations in 2006. (4) This law gives the authorities considerable powers to investigate, and ultimately close down, any organization suspected of threatening \"the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity, national unity, unique character, cultural heritage, and national interests of the Russian Federation.\" (5) According to the Russia-based Center for the Development of Democracy and Human Rights, the law has created massive bureaucracy, complicated the registration of organizations, and increasingly marginalized independent civic activism. 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引用次数: 25

摘要

摘要:本文探讨当代俄罗斯民间组织与国家关系的变迁。本文以特维尔省为例,探讨了当地活动家和当局如何在过去的社会主义和今天的资本主义之间的结合点解释公民身份和绘制国家-社会边界。本文认为,当局提倡一种国家主义的公民模式,将公民组织视为国家的辅助,接管以前国家提供的服务,并激活公民协助国家治理。苏联时期成立的组织试图保留苏联公民模式和支撑这种模式的家长式社会契约,而后苏联时期成立的组织则呼吁更多参与性的公民观念。关键词:公民,公民组织,俄罗斯,国家**********“我认为这些概念对我们来说有些奇怪,应该有一个协议,公共决定,一些联合专题讨论会,代表大会,契约,交易。人民的力量。今天,我们需要严格的权力——虽然我可能错了——但它应该是严格的垂直权力安排,以在我们的国家建立某种秩序。”这段话出自特维尔地区政府的一位官员,他在思考公民和他们的组织是否应该在地方问题上有更多的发言权,这句话抓住了当代俄罗斯国家-社会关系中的主流精神。在叶利钦时代,政治格局的特点是权力从联邦分散到地区和市级,独立的公民组织如雨后春笋般涌现,而弗拉基米尔·普京和德米特里·梅德韦杰夫执政期间的特点是权力重新集中,国家本着“主权民主”的精神,在指导社会发展方面发挥了更积极和干预的作用。就公民行动主义而言,这个过程充满了矛盾。一方面,民间组织和政府机构之间的合作比以前更多,各种合作机制已经建立起来。例如,2001年和2008年在莫斯科组织了两个联邦级别的公民论坛,随后又组织了一些类似的地区论坛,并建立了联邦和地区公共法庭(obshchestvennye palaty)系统,旨在促进国家与社会之间的对话。当局也开始向民间组织分配资金,尤其优先考虑青年和社会福利项目。(2)政治精英也在公共话语中积极传播公民社会概念并强调其重要性——暗示这一概念在他们自己的政治发展理念中具有一定的象征价值。另一方面,国家也对激进主义施加了几项新的限制,并加强了官僚控制,最重要的是通过2006年对公民结社法的修订。(4)这项法律赋予当局相当大的权力,可以调查并最终关闭任何涉嫌威胁“俄罗斯联邦主权、政治独立、领土完整、国家统一、独特性、文化遗产和国家利益”的组织。(5)根据设在俄罗斯的民主与人权发展中心的说法,这项法律造成了庞大的官僚主义,使组织的登记复杂化,并日益边缘化独立的公民行动主义。(6)此外,在接受西方资助的组织经常在公开场合被贴上“不爱国”和外国情报机构“傀儡”的标签,政治反对派组织的公众抗议遭到强力镇压的同时,俄罗斯公共领域见证了青年组织如雨后春笋般涌现,如纳什,这些组织与政府关系密切,并得到政府的大量财政支持。…
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Struggling for Citizenship: Civic participation and the State in Russia
Abstract: This paper discusses the shifting relationships between civic organizations and the state in contemporary Russia. Drawing on a case study of the provincial city of Tver, the paper explores how local activists and authorities interpret citizenship and draw the state-society boundaries at the juncture between the Socialist past and the capitalism of today. The paper argues that the authorities advocate a statist model of citizenship that conceives of civic organizations as an auxiliary of the state, taking over formerly state-provided services and activating citizens to assist the state in governance. Organizations founded during the Soviet era attempt to retain the Soviet citizenship model and the paternalist social contract underpinning it, while organizations founded during the post-Soviet period call for more participatory notions of citizenship. Keywords: citizenship, civic organizations, Russia, state ********** "I think these notions are somewhat strange to us, that there should be an agreement, public decision, some joint symposia, congresses, compacts, deals. People power. Today, we need strict power--I may be wrong though--but it should be a strict vertical power arrangement, to establish some kind of order in our country." This quotation from an official of the regional government in Tver, contemplating whether citizens and their organizations should have more say about local issues, captures the prevailing ethos in state-society relations in contemporary Russia. While during the Yeltsin era the political landscape was characterized by the dispersion of power from the federal to the regional and municipal levels and the mushrooming of independent civic organizations, Vladimir Putin's and Dmitry Medvedev's terms in office have been marked by a recentralization of power and a more active and interventionist role of the state in steering social development in the spirit of "sovereign democracy." In terms of civic activism, this process has been riddled with contradictions. On the one hand, civic organizations and governmental structures have started collaborating with one another more than before, and various mechanisms of cooperation have been established. For example, two federal-level civic forums were organized in Moscow in 2001 and 2008, followed by a number of similar regional forums, and a system of federal and regional public chambers (obshchestvennye palaty) has been created that seeks to foster dialogue between the state and society. (1) The authorities have also begun distributing funding to civic organizations, prioritizing in particular youth and social-welfare initiatives. (2) The political elite also actively circulate the concept of civil society in public discourse and emphasize its importance--implying that the concept has certain symbolic value in their own concept of political development. (3) On the other hand, the state has also placed several new restrictions on activism and increased its bureaucratic control, most importantly via amendments made to the law on civic associations in 2006. (4) This law gives the authorities considerable powers to investigate, and ultimately close down, any organization suspected of threatening "the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity, national unity, unique character, cultural heritage, and national interests of the Russian Federation." (5) According to the Russia-based Center for the Development of Democracy and Human Rights, the law has created massive bureaucracy, complicated the registration of organizations, and increasingly marginalized independent civic activism. (6) Moreover, at the same time that organizations enjoying Western funding have been frequently labeled in public as "unpatriotic" and "stooges" of foreign intelligence agencies, and public protests organized by the political opposition have been forcefully suppressed, the Russian public sphere has witnessed a mushrooming of youth organizations, such as Nashi, which are closely connected with and enjoy considerable financial support from the government. …
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Demokratizatsiya
Demokratizatsiya Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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期刊介绍: Occupying a unique niche among literary journals, ANQ is filled with short, incisive research-based articles about the literature of the English-speaking world and the language of literature. Contributors unravel obscure allusions, explain sources and analogues, and supply variant manuscript readings. Also included are Old English word studies, textual emendations, and rare correspondence from neglected archives. The journal is an essential source for professors and students, as well as archivists, bibliographers, biographers, editors, lexicographers, and textual scholars. With subjects from Chaucer and Milton to Fitzgerald and Welty, ANQ delves into the heart of literature.
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Authoritarian Modernization in Russia The Rise and Decline of Electoral Authoritarianism in Russia Struggling for Citizenship: Civic participation and the State in Russia Meddling with Justice: Competitive Politics, Impunity, and Distrusted Courts in Post-Orange Ukraine The Molotov-Ribbentrop Commission and Claims of Post-Soviet Secessionist Territories to Sovereignty
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