{"title":"勃艮第的死后。哈布斯堡尼德兰王朝历史的挪用","authors":"Steven Thiry, Anne-Laure Van Bruaene","doi":"10.1080/03096564.2019.1559497","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Plagued by discord and violence, the subjects of the late sixteenth-century Netherlands looked back upon the reign of the Burgundian dukes with ‘tears in their eyes’. They recalled their former overlords as the ‘founders and benefactors of [their] beautiful trading cities [merctyen] and free privileges’. Recent oppression, resulting in rebellion against princely authority, made people long for the return of what had been more prosperous times. At least, by invoking this rather emotional vision, an anonymous pamphleteer tried to justify in 1579 the rebels’ appeal for aid to the Duke of Anjou, the French king’s youngest brother, at the height of the Dutch Revolt. Hailed as a direct descendant of the Valois dukes who had ruled most of the Low Countries in the fifteenth century, the text urged Anjou to emulate the political virtues of his Burgundian ancestors, as opposed to the divisive actions of the Spanish king. Obviously, not everyone in the rebellious provinces subscribed to a dynastic re-creation in the figure of Anjou. Many opposed the French overtures, which in 1582 resulted in the formal, yet ultimately unsuccessful, appointment of Anjou as new lord of the Netherlands, and royal supporters still advocated the ancestral rights of the Spanish king. What the pamphlet’s claim reveals, however, is a topical reinterpretation of the Burgundian dynasty. Its idealized appraisal of a once ‘native’ rule upholding the liberties of the political community reflected present disagreements about the extent of princely authority. A Burgundian golden age, built upon the combination of princely virtue and civic consent, became the touchstone of equitable government. Since Philip the Bold, son of the French king and the first Valois Duke of Burgundy, had married the Flemish heiress Margaret of Male in 1369, the rapid expansion of ducal power had transformed the Low Countries. Gradually, his successors acquired most of the semi-autonomous principalities situated on the fringe of the French kingdom and the Holy Roman Empire. By the 1470s the ducal patrimony – aside from the duchy and free county of Burgundy in the east of France − comprised most parts of what is now presentday Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxemburg, and the north of France. After the French annexation of the duchy of Burgundy during the succession crisis of 1477, the remaining lands passed into the hands of the Habsburgs through the marriage of Duchess Mary of Burgundy with the emperor’s son Maximilian of Austria. Yet, despite the subsequent integration of these regions into a much larger composite state, the ‘Burgundian’ identity proved particularly resilient. As the contributions in this special issue point out, the chronological divide between a Burgundian and Habsburg era was less clear-cut than it appears to be today, although identification with the Burgundian dynasty took on different shapes from the sixteenth century to the early twentieth century. DUTCH CROSSING 2019, VOL. 43, NO. 1, 1–6 https://doi.org/10.1080/03096564.2019.1559497","PeriodicalId":41997,"journal":{"name":"Dutch Crossing-Journal of Low Countries Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"1 - 6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Burgundian Afterlives. 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Hailed as a direct descendant of the Valois dukes who had ruled most of the Low Countries in the fifteenth century, the text urged Anjou to emulate the political virtues of his Burgundian ancestors, as opposed to the divisive actions of the Spanish king. Obviously, not everyone in the rebellious provinces subscribed to a dynastic re-creation in the figure of Anjou. Many opposed the French overtures, which in 1582 resulted in the formal, yet ultimately unsuccessful, appointment of Anjou as new lord of the Netherlands, and royal supporters still advocated the ancestral rights of the Spanish king. What the pamphlet’s claim reveals, however, is a topical reinterpretation of the Burgundian dynasty. Its idealized appraisal of a once ‘native’ rule upholding the liberties of the political community reflected present disagreements about the extent of princely authority. A Burgundian golden age, built upon the combination of princely virtue and civic consent, became the touchstone of equitable government. Since Philip the Bold, son of the French king and the first Valois Duke of Burgundy, had married the Flemish heiress Margaret of Male in 1369, the rapid expansion of ducal power had transformed the Low Countries. Gradually, his successors acquired most of the semi-autonomous principalities situated on the fringe of the French kingdom and the Holy Roman Empire. By the 1470s the ducal patrimony – aside from the duchy and free county of Burgundy in the east of France − comprised most parts of what is now presentday Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxemburg, and the north of France. After the French annexation of the duchy of Burgundy during the succession crisis of 1477, the remaining lands passed into the hands of the Habsburgs through the marriage of Duchess Mary of Burgundy with the emperor’s son Maximilian of Austria. Yet, despite the subsequent integration of these regions into a much larger composite state, the ‘Burgundian’ identity proved particularly resilient. As the contributions in this special issue point out, the chronological divide between a Burgundian and Habsburg era was less clear-cut than it appears to be today, although identification with the Burgundian dynasty took on different shapes from the sixteenth century to the early twentieth century. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
16世纪晚期,饱受纷争和暴力困扰的荷兰人民“热泪盈眶”地回顾勃艮第公爵的统治。他们回忆说,他们的前任统治者是“(他们)美丽的贸易城市(仁慈)和自由特权的创始人和恩人”。最近的压迫导致了对王公权威的反抗,这使得人们渴望回到曾经更加繁荣的时代。至少,在1579年荷兰起义达到高潮时,一位匿名的小册子作者试图通过援引这一相当情绪化的愿景,为叛军请求法国国王最小的弟弟安茹公爵(Duke of Anjou)援助的请求辩护。作为15世纪统治大部分低地国家的瓦卢瓦公爵的直系后裔,这本书敦促安茹效仿他的勃艮第祖先的政治美德,而不是西班牙国王的分裂行为。显然,并不是所有反叛省份的人都认同安茹的王朝再现。许多人反对法国的提议,1582年,法国正式任命安茹为尼德兰的新领主,但最终以失败告终,王室支持者仍然主张西班牙国王的祖传权利。然而,这本小册子所揭示的是对勃艮第王朝的重新诠释。它对曾经“本土”统治的理想化评价维护了政治共同体的自由,反映了当时对王公权威程度的分歧。勃艮第黄金时代建立在君主美德和公民同意的结合之上,成为公平政府的试金石。自从1369年法国国王之子、第一任勃艮第瓦卢瓦公爵大胆的菲利普迎娶了佛兰德女继承人马勒的玛格丽特以来,公爵权力的迅速扩张改变了低地国家。渐渐地,他的继任者获得了位于法兰西王国和神圣罗马帝国边缘的大部分半自治公国。到1470年代,公爵的遗产——除了法国东部的公国和自由的勃艮第郡——包括今天的比利时、荷兰、卢森堡和法国北部的大部分地区。在1477年继承危机中法国吞并了勃艮第公国之后,通过勃艮第公爵夫人玛丽与皇帝的儿子奥地利的马克西米利安的婚姻,剩余的土地落入了哈布斯堡家族的手中。然而,尽管这些地区后来整合成一个更大的综合国家,“勃艮第”的身份被证明是特别有弹性的。正如本期特刊的投稿所指出的那样,勃艮第王朝和哈布斯堡王朝之间的年代划分并不像今天看起来那么明确,尽管从16世纪到20世纪初,对勃艮第王朝的认同有不同的形式。《荷兰穿越2019》,第43卷,第2期。1,1 - 6 https://doi.org/10.1080/03096564.2019.1559497
Burgundian Afterlives. Appropriating the Dynastic Past(s) in the Habsburg Netherlands
Plagued by discord and violence, the subjects of the late sixteenth-century Netherlands looked back upon the reign of the Burgundian dukes with ‘tears in their eyes’. They recalled their former overlords as the ‘founders and benefactors of [their] beautiful trading cities [merctyen] and free privileges’. Recent oppression, resulting in rebellion against princely authority, made people long for the return of what had been more prosperous times. At least, by invoking this rather emotional vision, an anonymous pamphleteer tried to justify in 1579 the rebels’ appeal for aid to the Duke of Anjou, the French king’s youngest brother, at the height of the Dutch Revolt. Hailed as a direct descendant of the Valois dukes who had ruled most of the Low Countries in the fifteenth century, the text urged Anjou to emulate the political virtues of his Burgundian ancestors, as opposed to the divisive actions of the Spanish king. Obviously, not everyone in the rebellious provinces subscribed to a dynastic re-creation in the figure of Anjou. Many opposed the French overtures, which in 1582 resulted in the formal, yet ultimately unsuccessful, appointment of Anjou as new lord of the Netherlands, and royal supporters still advocated the ancestral rights of the Spanish king. What the pamphlet’s claim reveals, however, is a topical reinterpretation of the Burgundian dynasty. Its idealized appraisal of a once ‘native’ rule upholding the liberties of the political community reflected present disagreements about the extent of princely authority. A Burgundian golden age, built upon the combination of princely virtue and civic consent, became the touchstone of equitable government. Since Philip the Bold, son of the French king and the first Valois Duke of Burgundy, had married the Flemish heiress Margaret of Male in 1369, the rapid expansion of ducal power had transformed the Low Countries. Gradually, his successors acquired most of the semi-autonomous principalities situated on the fringe of the French kingdom and the Holy Roman Empire. By the 1470s the ducal patrimony – aside from the duchy and free county of Burgundy in the east of France − comprised most parts of what is now presentday Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxemburg, and the north of France. After the French annexation of the duchy of Burgundy during the succession crisis of 1477, the remaining lands passed into the hands of the Habsburgs through the marriage of Duchess Mary of Burgundy with the emperor’s son Maximilian of Austria. Yet, despite the subsequent integration of these regions into a much larger composite state, the ‘Burgundian’ identity proved particularly resilient. As the contributions in this special issue point out, the chronological divide between a Burgundian and Habsburg era was less clear-cut than it appears to be today, although identification with the Burgundian dynasty took on different shapes from the sixteenth century to the early twentieth century. DUTCH CROSSING 2019, VOL. 43, NO. 1, 1–6 https://doi.org/10.1080/03096564.2019.1559497