揭开反恐审判的“全球”和“亲密”

Sarah Klosterkamp
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摘要

基于对2015年至2020年间在德国高等地区上诉法院进行的45起反恐审判的女权主义政治地理分析,我在论文中认为,空间隶属关系和性别属性不能解释“伊斯兰恐怖主义”,但在法庭上发挥了重要作用。在方法上,我将民族志方法与女权主义地理学的观点结合起来。通过融合两者,我开发了一个方法框架,阐明了法院作为刑事诉讼的支点的作用,以便为地理分析解开它们的代表。在这种参与的核心,我的目标是将法庭的材料,具体的亲密关系与构成它的全球,政治,经济和社会文化规范和过程联系起来,这使我能够阐明法庭上的谈判如何以深刻而有力的方式动员,制定,复制和挑战结构性的社会政治关系。这种女权主义的政治地理分析,在强大的制度背景下,也提供了解放的潜力,可以设计“其他”的故事,并进行“替代”,更权力敏感的经验见解,热衷于拆除控制,制裁和监管机构在反恐预防计划中作为社会,交叉条件的共同生产者。这种方法不是只关注“伊斯兰恐怖主义”的法律主体和叙事,而是倾向于说明国家保护者最终(共同)生产他们最初追求的东西的程度。
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Unpacking the ‘global’ and the ‘intimate’ of anti-terrorism trials
Abstract Based on a feminist political-geographical analysis of 45 anti-terrorism trials which got carried out in Higher Regional Appeal Courts in Germany between 2015 and 2020, I argue within my dissertation that spatial affiliations and gendered attributes cannot explain ‘Islamist terrorism’ but play an important role in court. Methodologically, I combine ethnographic approaches with perspectives from feminist geography. By fusing the two, I develop a methodological framework that illuminates the role of courts as the fulcrum of criminal proceedings in order to unpack their representations for geographical analysis. At the core of this engagement, I aim at linking the material, embodied intimacies of the court with the global, political, economic, and sociocultural norms and processes that are constitutive of it, which allows me to elucidate how negotiations in the courtroom mobilize, enact, reproduce, and challenge structural, sociopolitical relations in profound and potent ways. Such a feminist political-geographical analysis in the context of powerful institutions also offers the emancipatory potential to design ‘other’ stories and conduct ‘alternative’, more power-sensitive empirical insights that are keen to dismantle institutions of control, sanctioning and custody in antiterrorism prevention programs as co-producers of social, intersectional conditions. Instead of looking exclusively at the legal subjects and narratives of ‘Islamist terrorism’, this approach tends to illustrate to what extent the state protectors end up (co-)producing what they were chasing after in the first place.
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