“新右派”的统一?论欧洲,身份政治与反动意识形态

IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE New Perspectives Pub Date : 2021-11-07 DOI:10.1177/2336825X211052967
Eve Gianoncelli
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引用次数: 0

摘要

当我们在20世纪70年代末谈到“新右翼”时,我们指的是两种截然不同的结构。首先,以罗纳德•里根(Ronald Reagan)和玛格丽特•撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)为代表的以英美轴心为基础的政治联盟。其次是一种生于法国的知识分子,以阿兰·德·贝诺斯特和纪尧姆·费伊等思想家为代表,在欧洲广泛传播。这两种队形虽然有相同的标签,但几乎没有什么共同之处。政治上的新右派主张社会保守主义和市场经济;知识分子新右派将反自由主义、反美主义和反对犹太基督教结合起来。法国新右派的扩张使得他的一些成员以及从事这项工作的学者谈论欧洲新右派(Bar on, 2007;Milza, 2002)。最近的研究一直致力于新右翼的全球维度(de Orellana和Michelsen, 2019;Drolet和Williams, 2018)。在唐纳德·特朗普的竞选和选举中发挥积极作用的“另类右翼”的出现,受到法国新右翼的影响,也在这一过程中发挥了重要作用。当前的知识和政治融合使我们能够将新右翼称为一种独特的现象,这在50年前是不可想象的。它今天可能采取的形式表明了右翼的激进化,或者换句话说,在全球范围内,右翼和极右翼之间的空隙越来越大。但是,这并不意味着同质性。我想在这里探讨的正是这种多元性,尤其是自2010年代以来已经成为可能的新联系。为了做到这一点,我将重点放在一个在保守主义和更广泛的反动话语中无处不在的对象:欧洲。例如,玛格丽特·撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)所体现的政治新右翼的论点往往包括声称缺乏共同价值观和欧洲认同,从而批评欧盟权威的合法性(Coman和Leconte, 2019)。在全球范围内,在反动言论中,欧洲已成为共同的目标,并被描绘成自由主义、抽象人权和官僚主义的摇篮,破坏了传统的社会纽带。但是,在当时的知识分子新右翼方面,欧洲也被挪用了。在这两种观点的交叉点上,自2010年代以来,中欧各国政府和知识分子一直在通过推广另一种“欧洲性”(Europeanness)来挑战欧洲。这一重新定义的核心是保守党和进步党在亨特(1991)所定义的背景下的历史对立
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The unification of the ‘New Right’? On Europe, identity politics and reactionary ideologies
When we spoke of the ‘New Right’ in the late 1970s, we were referring to two distinct configurations. Firstly, a political one based on an Anglo-American axis, and represented by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. Secondly, an intellectual one born in France, and embodied by thinkers such as Alain de Benoist and Guillaume Faye, which extensively spread in Europe. Although sharing a label, these two formations had pretty much nothing in common. The political New Right claimed social Conservatism and the market economy; the intellectual New Right combined anti-liberalism, anti-Americanism and an opposition to Judeo-Christianity. The expansion of the French New Right led some of his members as well as academics working on it to speak about a European New Right (Bar On, 2007; Milza, 2002). Recent studies have been dedicated to the global dimension of the New Right (de Orellana and Michelsen, 2019; Drolet and Williams, 2018). The emergence of the ‘alt-right’ which played an active part in the campaign and election of Donald Trump and which was influenced by the French New Right also mattered in such a process. The current intellectual and political convergence which allows us to speak of the New Right as a singular phenomenon would have been unthinkable 50 years ago. The forms that it may take today suggest the radicalization of the right, or to put it otherwise, a growing porosity between the right and the far right on a global level. But, this does not mean homogeneity. It is this plurality, and the new connections that have been made possible in particular since the 2010s, that I would like to examine here. To do so, I focus on an object which is omnipresent in conservative and more broadly reactionary discourses: Europe. The arguments of the political New Right as embodied, for example, by Margaret Thatcher had often consisted in claiming a lack of common values and European identity so as to criticize the legitimacy of EU authority (Coman and Leconte, 2019). More globally in reactionary rhetoric, Europe has been made a common target and presented as the cradle of liberalism, abstract human rights and bureaucracy, destructive of traditional social bonds. But, on the side of what was then the intellectual New Right, Europe has also been appropriated. At the crossroads of these two perspectives, since the 2010s, Central Europe governments and intellectuals have contested Europe by promoting another idea of Europeanness. At the core of this redefinition lies the historical opposition between Conservatives and Progressives in the context of what Hunter (1991) has defined
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New Perspectives
New Perspectives POLITICAL SCIENCE-
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期刊介绍: New Perspectives is an academic journal that seeks to provide interdisciplinary insight into the politics and international relations of Central and Eastern Europe. New Perspectives is published by the Institute of International Relations Prague.
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