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Informal institutionalization in modern Ukraine: Technological aspect 现代乌克兰的非正式制度化:技术方面
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231222001
Vira Haponenko, Volodymyr Rykhlik, M. Shulga, Svitlana Bulbeniuk, Olha Naumenko
The relevance of the research lies in the observation that, while Ukraine has established formal democratic institutions since its independence, many democratization issues remain unresolved. These formal structures lack effectiveness and support, with informal, often non-democratic political processes and secret agreements continuing to prevail. The study aims to conclude a theoretical study, conceptualization, and generalization of the problems of the existence of informal institutions, as well as a comprehensive analysis of practical technologies of informal institutionalization in modern Ukraine. The authors used such general scientific methods as analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction, the ascent from the abstract to the concrete. The authors considered such informal institutions that exist in the political reality of Ukraine, such as lobbying, corruption, populism, non-conventional forms of political participation of citizens, party agreements, clientelism, and political bargaining. The effective technologies for the informal institutionalization of modern Ukraine, including technologies for eliminating authoritarian practices, technologies of party structuring, technologies of political participation and technologies for the formation of democratic political consciousness have been proposed. These technologies are aimed at the political modernization of Ukraine, ensuring the institutional functioning of democracy at the proper level and minimizing the negative effects of informal institutions.
研究的意义在于,虽然乌克兰自独立以来建立了正式的民主机构,但许多民主化问题仍未得到解决。这些正式机构缺乏有效性和支持,非正式的、往往是非民主的政治进程和秘密协议继续盛行。本研究旨在完成对非正式机构存在问题的理论研究、概念化和概括,以及对现代乌克兰非正式制度化实用技术的全面分析。作者采用了分析与综合、归纳与演绎、抽象、从抽象到具体等一般科学方法。作者考虑了乌克兰政治现实中存在的非正式制度,如游说、腐败、民粹主义、公民政治参与的非常规形式、政党协议、客户主义和政治讨价还价。提出了现代乌克兰非正式制度化的有效技术,包括消除专制做法的技术、政党结构技术、政治参与技术和形成民主政治意识的技术。这些技术旨在实现乌克兰的政治现代化,确保民主制度在适当层面上的运作,并最大限度地减少非正式制度的负面影响。
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引用次数: 0
Opting out of the ‘near abroad’ and moving towards eurointegration: A postfunctionalist analysis of Ukraine’s regional integration dynamics in the early 2010s 退出 "近邻",走向欧洲一体化:2010 年代初乌克兰地区一体化动态的后功能主义分析
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231221997
Oleksandra Kovalevska
This article examines the utility of a revised postfunctionalist theory in explaining regional (dis)integration dynamics. The case study employed to test the theoretical framework is based on Ukraine’s regional integration processes with respect to Eurasian and European regional organizations in the early 2010s. The principal research question posed is: what factors contributed to Ukraine’s decision to opt out of deeper integration with Eurasia in the early 2010s and pursue integration with the European Union insead, and how can this case study move the postfunctionalist theory forward? Three assumptions proposed by postfunctionalism, enriched with insights from social constructivism, were applied to the (dis)integration processes: salience, politicization, and collective identity. The analysis suggests that the revised postfunctionalist framework is indeed instrumental in explaining both integration and disintegration, providing insights into the role of collective identity mobilization once public discussion reaches a critical juncture in the politicization process.
本文探讨了经修订的后功能主义理论在解释地区(不)一体化动态方面的实用性。为检验该理论框架而采用的案例研究以乌克兰在 2010 年代初与欧亚和欧洲区域组织的区域一体化进程为基础。提出的主要研究问题是:是什么因素促使乌克兰在 2010 年代初决定放弃与欧亚大陆的深度一体化,转而寻求与欧盟的一体化?我们将后功能主义提出的三个假设与社会建构主义的见解相结合,应用于(不)一体化进程:突出性、政治化和集体认同。分析表明,修订后的后功能主义框架确实有助于解释整合与解体,并在公共讨论进入政治化进程的关键时刻,为集体身份动员的作用提供了启示。
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引用次数: 0
Geopolitics in the ESC: Comparing Russia’s and Ukraine’s use of cultural diplomacy in the Eurovision Song Contest 欧洲歌唱大赛中的地缘政治:比较俄罗斯和乌克兰在欧洲电视歌唱大赛中对文化外交的运用
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231222000
Lea M Welslau, Torsten J Selck
The Eurovision Song Contest has long served as a platform for cultural diplomacy among its participants. This paper examines how Russia and Ukraine have approached cultural diplomacy in and around the Eurovision Song Contest in the wake of the Russo-Ukrainian war. Following an outline of pertinent events from 2014 to 2022, including the Song Contest and the respective countries’ selected entries as well as the public discourse surrounding them, two distinct types of cultural diplomacy—culturalist versus neo-propagandist—are employed in a congruence analysis. The findings show that Russia employed a largely neo-propagandist approach to cultural diplomacy characterized by their projected image of peacefulness, innocence, and strength to alter their situational image. Ukraine has employed a mostly culturalist approach mainly focused on mutual recognition and the representation of national culture. The conscious instrumentalization of the platform to counter misconstrued perceptions of Ukraine shaped by the Kremlin’s rhetoric also adds neo-propagandist elements.
长期以来,欧洲电视歌唱大赛一直是参赛者开展文化外交的平台。本文探讨了俄乌战争后,俄罗斯和乌克兰如何在欧洲电视歌唱大赛中及围绕大赛开展文化外交。在概述了 2014 年至 2022 年期间的相关事件(包括歌唱大赛和两国各自选送的参赛作品以及围绕这些作品的公共讨论)之后,在一致性分析中采用了两种不同类型的文化外交--文化主义与新宣传主义。研究结果表明,俄罗斯主要采用了新宣传主义的文化外交方式,其特点是通过塑造和平、纯真和强大的形象来改变其处境形象。乌克兰采用的主要是文化主义方法,重点是相互承认和民族文化的代表性。乌克兰有意识地利用这一平台来抵制克里姆林宫言论对乌克兰的误解,这也增加了新宣传主义的元素。
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引用次数: 0
Status-seeking with a negative image – The changing position of Visegrád countries in the international community between 2004 and 2020 以负面形象寻求地位--2004 至 2020 年间维谢格拉德国家在国际社会中的地位变化
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231221999
M. Szalai, Nikolett Garai
As the literature on small state foreign policy predicts that smaller states of the international community attempt to enlarge their influence by seeking a constructive status or proving their adherence to positive norms, the cases in which small states use a negative image to better their international position are almost completely neglected. The article aims to assess how the status of Visegrád countries in interstate society changed since their accession to the European Union in light of the generally negative perception of their governments’ ideological background connected to different kinds of populism and nationalism. Using the GDELT Database, the number of government-level interactions initiated towards the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia was analysed in a European context between 2004 and 2020. The results of the inquiry showed a drastic decrease in the interactions initiated towards the four countries between 2004 and the mid-2010s with a slightly higher ratio of confrontative interactions than in the case of other small and middle-sized states. Data show that Hungary, governed by populist parties since 2010, witnessed the smallest drop in attention in the last decade. These results defy the expectations of the small state literature and suggest a more complicated relationship between international status and the image of small states.
有关小国外交政策的文献预测,国际社会中的小国试图通过寻求建设性地位或证明其遵守积极规范来扩大其影响力,而小国利用负面形象来改善其国际地位的案例几乎完全被忽视。本文旨在评估自加入欧盟以来,由于人们普遍认为维舍格拉德国家政府的意识形态背景与各种民粹主义和民族主义有关,因此这些国家在国家间社会中的地位发生了怎样的变化。通过使用 GDELT 数据库,我们分析了 2004 至 2020 年间在欧洲范围内针对捷克共和国、匈牙利、波兰和斯洛伐克发起的政府层面互动的数量。调查结果显示,2004 年至 2010 年代中期,针对这四个国家的互动急剧减少,对抗性互动的比例略高于其他中小国家。数据显示,自 2010 年以来由民粹主义政党执政的匈牙利在过去十年中的关注度下降幅度最小。这些结果打破了小国文献的预期,表明国际地位与小国形象之间的关系更为复杂。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial: Communication, power and creolization 社论:交流、权力与克里奥尔化
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1177/2336825X231208270
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引用次数: 0
Perspectives on Creolizing the Modern 克里奥尔化现代的观点
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231208060
Laura Doyle
Restricted accessAbstractFirst published online November 9, 2023Perspectives on Creolizing the ModernLaura DoyleView all authors and affiliationsOnlineFirsthttps://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231208060
限制访问abstract首次在线发表于2023年11月9日《现代克里奥尔化透视》劳拉·多伊尔查看所有作者和从属关系sonlinefirst://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X231208060
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引用次数: 0
Predictors of illiberalism in Romania: A case study during the Russian invasion in Ukraine 罗马尼亚非自由主义的预测因素:以俄罗斯入侵乌克兰为例
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231206977
Alina Bârgăoanu, Flavia Durach, Oana Ştefăniţă
Illiberalism emphasizes traditional values and national sovereignty over liberal democratic ideals, which can lead to the erosion of democratic norms and institutions. Against this background, the paper investigates the relationship between illiberalism and various political and social factors in Romania, taking into account a particular context (the Russian invasion in Ukraine). Romania has experienced a rise in illiberal attitudes and the spread of populist and nationalist rhetoric, which is particularly concerning given its strategic location as a member of the European Union and NATO, and its proximity to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This study aims to investigate the associations between various attitudes, news consumption habits, and perceived exposure to misinformation, and how these factors relate to levels of illiberalism in Romanian society. Given the increasing prominence of illiberal and populist ideologies globally, a nuanced understanding of these relationships is critical. The study employs a quantitative approach, leveraging an online survey to collect data from a sample of 1000 Romanian citizens. Soft quotas were used to ensure a diverse representation across age, gender, and education levels. Data collection was carried out by Dynata, a globally recognized market research firm, between March 1–9, 2022. Our analysis, informed by multiple regression models, uncovers complex relationships between trust in institutions, attitudes towards Russia and Ukraine, news consumption habits, perceived misinformation, and demographic factors in shaping illiberal perspectives. By providing a comprehensive understanding of the contributing factors, this study aims to inform public discourse and policy-making processes on how to address illiberal tendencies in society.
非自由主义强调传统价值观和国家主权,而不是自由民主理想,这可能导致民主规范和制度的侵蚀。在此背景下,本文考察了罗马尼亚的非自由主义与各种政治和社会因素之间的关系,并考虑到一个特定的背景(俄罗斯入侵乌克兰)。罗马尼亚的反自由主义态度上升,民粹主义和民族主义言论蔓延,考虑到其作为欧盟和北约成员国的战略位置,以及靠近正在发生的乌克兰冲突,这一点尤其令人担忧。本研究旨在调查各种态度、新闻消费习惯和感知到的错误信息暴露之间的联系,以及这些因素如何与罗马尼亚社会的非自由主义水平相关。鉴于非自由主义和民粹主义意识形态在全球日益突出,对这些关系的细致理解至关重要。这项研究采用了定量方法,利用在线调查从1000名罗马尼亚公民中收集数据。软配额是为了确保年龄、性别和教育水平的多元化代表。数据收集由全球知名市场研究公司Dynata在2022年3月1日至9日之间进行。通过多元回归模型,我们的分析揭示了对机构的信任、对俄罗斯和乌克兰的态度、新闻消费习惯、感知到的错误信息以及形成非自由观点的人口因素之间的复杂关系。本研究旨在透过提供对影响因素的全面了解,为如何处理社会中的非自由倾向的公共话语和政策制定过程提供资讯。
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引用次数: 0
China’s pandemic-time public diplomacy in the Balkans and the challenge to the EU’s regional leadership 大流行时期中国在巴尔干地区的公共外交以及对欧盟地区领导地位的挑战
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231206724
Mare Ushkovska
This paper explores how China’s assistance to countries in the Western Balkans during the pandemic boosted their reputation in the region, through the case studies of Serbia, Macedonia, and Albania. The COVID-19 crisis has tested EU’s reputation of solidarity and partnership to the Western Balkans, with Balkan political leaders accusing the bloc of selfishness due to its decision in 2020 to restrict exports of medical equipment to candidate states and the perceived neglect of the region during the vaccine distribution in early 2021. Simultaniously, China sent planes containing tonnes of medical supplies, respirators, medical personnel, and later vaccines, that would be received with great pomp and live media coverage, in a powerful public diplomacy and vaccine diplomacy offensive. This paper argues that this helped improve public opinion and reshape narratives on China in the Western Balkans. Still, attitudes vary between states, with Serbians having the most favourable views on China as a foreign partner. On the other hand, while public perceptions on China have seen a positive shift in Macedonia and Albania, this has not translated in a change in their pro-EU stance.
本文通过对塞尔维亚、马其顿和阿尔巴尼亚的案例研究,探讨了中国在疫情期间对西巴尔干国家的援助如何提升了这些国家在该地区的声誉。2019冠状病毒病危机考验了欧盟对西巴尔干地区的团结和伙伴关系的声誉,巴尔干政治领导人指责欧盟自私,因为欧盟在2020年决定限制向候选国出口医疗设备,并在2021年初的疫苗分发期间忽视了该地区。与此同时,中国派出了装有数吨医疗用品、呼吸器、医务人员和后来的疫苗的飞机,这些飞机将以盛大的仪式和现场媒体报道受到欢迎,这是一场强有力的公共外交和疫苗外交攻势。本文认为,这有助于改善西巴尔干地区关于中国的舆论和叙事。尽管如此,各国对中国的态度各不相同,塞尔维亚人对中国作为外国合作伙伴的看法最为有利。另一方面,虽然公众对中国的看法在马其顿和阿尔巴尼亚出现了积极的转变,但这并没有转化为他们亲欧盟立场的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Crowddoing and crowdfunding democracy: Innovative strategies for countering foreign disinformation in central and Eastern Europe 众筹民主:中欧和东欧打击外国虚假信息的创新策略
Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231206718
Shane Markowitz
Central and Eastern Europe has become a ripe target for disinformation and malign narratives propagated by foreign actors. A deluge of propaganda deployed by hostile states is aimed at polarizing societies, undermining the decision-making capabilities of governments, and influencing public policy. Against the backdrop of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the stakes are enormous. Heeding research on debunking and pre-bunking strategies recognizing the limitations and potential of these approaches in inoculating populations against disinformation, this paper examines how several tactics deployed in the CEE region can both speak to and draw from this literature. While certain segments of CEE populations may be vulnerable to disinformation, the region also boasts civically engaged publics that want to take an active part in fostering societal resilience. The rise of digital elves (volunteer information warriors taking the fight to online trolls), the outsourcing of counter-disinformation activities to popular public institutions (like the police and military), and the use of crowdfunding to support news literacy education and independent media outlets present compelling alternative strategies towards responding to foreign influence. These activities show promise in overcoming obstacles faced by conventional approaches to disinformation and addressing CEE-specific issues related to media distrust and state capture of the media.
中欧和东欧已成为外国行动者传播虚假信息和恶意叙述的成熟目标。敌对国家部署的大量宣传旨在使社会两极分化,削弱政府的决策能力,并影响公共政策。在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的背景下,赌注是巨大的。注意到关于揭穿和预掩藏策略的研究,认识到这些方法在为人群接种虚假信息方面的局限性和潜力,本文研究了在中东欧地区部署的几种策略如何与这些文献对话并从中吸取教训。虽然中东欧人口的某些部分可能容易受到虚假信息的影响,但该地区也拥有希望积极参与促进社会复原力的公民参与公众。数字精灵(志愿信息战士与网络巨魔作战)的兴起,反虚假信息活动外包给受欢迎的公共机构(如警察和军队),以及使用众筹来支持新闻素养教育和独立媒体机构,这些都是应对外国影响的令人信服的替代策略。这些活动有望克服传统的虚假信息处理方法所面临的障碍,并解决与媒体不信任和国家控制媒体有关的中欧国家特有问题。
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引用次数: 0
Debating academic boycotts and the war in Ukraine 辩论学术抵制和乌克兰战争
IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231190440
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引用次数: 0
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