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The spatial repercussions of Russia’s war in Ukraine: Region(alism)s, borders, insecurities 俄罗斯乌克兰战争的空间影响:地区(主义)、边界、不安全感
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-12 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x241256847
Andrey Makarychev, Caroline Dufy
Russia’s war on Ukraine has generated a new chain of insecurities in Europe: energy and food crises, new migration flows from Ukraine, Belarus and Russia, military threats sharpened by Russia’s invasion are triggering a spatial and territorial reshuffling of Europe’s Eastern flank. In this context, regional dynamics within and across the Eastern frontiers of Europe have undergone a succession of path-breaking transformations ranging from overt support to the Ukrainian war effort to decoupling from the Russian economy and an unprecedented boost to expanding the European Union’s security architecture. However, one of the most important effects of the war is the growing gap between two regional models which might be dubbed normative (Europeanization within the EU- and NATO-led European normative space) and post-colonial (exemplified by different Russia-centric projects within the post-Soviet space). The original contribution of this special issue is to address the conceptual connections between security, borders and national identity to discuss the evolving European landscape. While we do not explore the military side of the war, we focus on the nexus of (in)security and bordering practices to capture how a combination of geopolitical changes, economic dynamics and human dimensions of war has created new borders and reshaped existing ones.
俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争给欧洲带来了一连串新的不安全因素:能源和粮食危机,来自乌克兰、白俄罗斯和俄罗斯的新移民潮,因俄罗斯入侵而加剧的军事威胁,正在引发欧洲东翼空间和领土的重新洗牌。在此背景下,欧洲东部疆域内外的地区动态经历了一系列突破性的转变,从公开支持乌克兰的战争努力到与俄罗斯经济脱钩,以及前所未有地推动欧盟安全架构的扩展。然而,战争最重要的影响之一是两种地区模式之间日益扩大的差距,这两种模式可被称为规范模式(欧盟和北约领导的欧洲规范空间内的欧洲化)和后殖民模式(后苏联空间内以俄罗斯为中心的不同项目)。本特刊的原创性贡献在于探讨安全、边界和国家认同之间的概念联系,以讨论不断演变的欧洲格局。虽然我们不探讨战争的军事方面,但我们关注(不)安全与边界实践之间的联系,以捕捉地缘政治变化、经济动态和战争的人文因素如何共同创造了新的边界并重塑了现有的边界。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the grain deal and its pitfalls: Going beyond food security? 了解谷物交易及其陷阱:超越粮食安全?
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x241240930
Caroline Dufy
In July 2023, the grain deal was denounced by Russia. Its termination was followed by massive bombing of Ukraine’s grain infrastructure. However, its signature in July 2022 had been welcomed by international organisations as good news for global food security. This article discusses the relevance of the concept of food security for understanding the difficulties of the grain deal. Ultimately, it suggests a theoretical revision of the concept.
2023 年 7 月,俄罗斯宣布终止谷物交易。协议终止后,乌克兰的粮食基础设施遭到大规模轰炸。然而,2022 年 7 月签署的谷物协议受到了国际组织的欢迎,被视为全球粮食安全的好消息。本文讨论了粮食安全概念与理解粮食协议困难的相关性。最后,文章建议对这一概念进行理论修正。
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引用次数: 0
The grammars of globalisation and the languages of regionalism: The war in Ukraine as a milestone and a test 全球化的语法和地区主义的语言:乌克兰战争是里程碑也是考验
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x241240878
Daniel C Bach
The article reviews transformations observed in the post-soviet space and raises the question of their implications for students of comparative regionalisms. It is first argued that such a discussion deserves to be more systematically related to that of the shifting ‘grammars’ of globalization. Unlike what was the case in the 1990s, globalization refers today to a fragmented, multipolar, yet globalized, world. Interdependency is perceived as a source of insecurity and strategic vulnerability. With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the article also stresses, a pillar of post-colonial and post-imperial international relations, uti possidetis, is also being tested and contested. Interactions with the diversity, or ‘languages,’ of regionalisms are then addressed through the identification of five distinctive threads: colonial and imperial legacies; regionalism as sovereignty or regime enhancement; the EU as a model of holistic and developmental integration; regionalization through defragmentation and connectivity; and regionalization without region-building. The article concludes to the resilience of debates and cognitive representations that were discarded in the aftermath of the cold war.
文章回顾了在后苏联地区观察到的变化,并提出了这些变化对比较区域主义学生的影响问题。文章首先指出,这种讨论应与全球化 "语法 "的变化更系统地联系起来。与 20 世纪 90 年代的情况不同,今天的全球化指的是一个支离破碎、多极化但又全球化的世界。相互依存被视为不安全和战略脆弱性的根源。文章还强调,随着俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,后殖民和后帝国国际关系的支柱--"实际占领地保有权"(uti possidetis)--也受到了考验和质疑。随后,文章通过确定五条独特的线索,探讨了与区域主义多样性或 "语言 "的互动:殖民和帝国遗产;作为主权或政权强化的区域主义;作为整体和发展一体化模式的欧盟;通过碎片化和互联互通实现的区域化;以及没有区域建设的区域化。文章最后指出,在冷战结束后被抛弃的辩论和认知表述仍有生命力。
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引用次数: 0
Russian war, Estonian exceptions: Sovereignty, governmentality, biopolitics 俄罗斯的战争,爱沙尼亚的例外:主权、政府性、生物政治学
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-22 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x241240929
Andrey Makarychev
The author analyzes Estonia as a case study to explore two interrelated research questions – how exceptions are produced and reversed through the mechanisms of sovereignty and governmentality projected onto geo- and biopolitical domains, and how the new practices of exceptionalization and de-exceptionalization contribute to the emergence of a new spatial order at Europe’s eastern margins? Three types of policies unfolded in Estonia as reactions to the Russian war against Ukraine are identified. First, the Estonian government introduced extraordinary measures based on the logic of national interests, which left much space for discretionary power to define risks, threats, and dangers. Secondly, some policy domains were intentionally de-exceptionalized for the sake of their better integration into Estonian normative space and as a reaction to the effects of the war. Third, in some cases there were exceptions from exceptions, which meant certain steps back toward normalization of the previously taken exceptional measures. The theoretical frame of the article consists of two nodal concepts – sovereignty and governmentality to be projected onto geo- and biopolitics treated as spheres in which sovereign and governmental powers operate and expose their political qualities.
作者将爱沙尼亚作为一个案例进行分析,以探讨两个相互关联的研究问题--例外是如何通过投射到地缘和生物政治领域的主权和政府性机制产生和逆转的,以及例外化和去例外化的新做法如何促进欧洲东部边缘新空间秩序的出现?本文指出了爱沙尼亚为应对俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争而采取的三类政策。首先,爱沙尼亚政府基于国家利益的逻辑推出了非常措施,这为界定风险、威胁和危险的自由裁量权留下了很大的空间。其次,为了更好地融入爱沙尼亚的规范空间,并作为对战争影响的反应,一些政策领域被有意去例外化。第三,在某些情况下,例外中存在例外,这意味着先前采取的例外措施向正常化的某些后退。文章的理论框架由两个节点概念组成--主权和政府性,这两个概念将被投射到地缘政治和生物政治中,被视为主权和政府权力运作并暴露其政治特质的领域。
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引用次数: 0
Polling to vaccination stations: Brexit’s influence on immunisation uptake 从投票站到疫苗接种站:英国脱欧对免疫接种率的影响
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-22 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x241236753
Mitchell Gallagher
This study investigates political decisions and epidemiological developments. Employing a quantitative approach, this paper examines proportions of votes advocating Brexit with the proportional rates of Covid-19 vaccinations among individuals aged 18 years and above. A discernible pattern suggests a link between lower vaccination rates and pro-Brexit inclinations, validating the theory of disinformation affecting decision-making. This research finds a correlative relationship between political behaviour in voting for Brexit, and epidemiological outcomes measured by the uptake of vaccinations among various urban centres, towns, and local governmental jurisdictions within the United Kingdom. However, the results also show socioeconomic control variables are statistically more significant in predicting vaccination rates.
本研究调查了政治决策和流行病学的发展。本文采用定量方法,研究了支持英国脱欧的投票比例与 18 岁及以上人群接种 Covid-19 疫苗的比例。一个明显的模式表明,较低的疫苗接种率与支持英国脱欧的倾向之间存在联系,验证了虚假信息影响决策的理论。这项研究发现,投票支持英国脱欧的政治行为与英国各城市中心、城镇和地方政府辖区的疫苗接种率所衡量的流行病学结果之间存在相关关系。然而,研究结果还显示,社会经济控制变量在预测疫苗接种率方面具有更显著的统计学意义。
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引用次数: 0
The international politics of perception in Central and Eastern Europe 中欧和东欧观念的国际政治
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x241238791
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引用次数: 0
Informal institutionalization in modern Ukraine: Technological aspect 现代乌克兰的非正式制度化:技术方面
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231222001
Vira Haponenko, Volodymyr Rykhlik, M. Shulga, Svitlana Bulbeniuk, Olha Naumenko
The relevance of the research lies in the observation that, while Ukraine has established formal democratic institutions since its independence, many democratization issues remain unresolved. These formal structures lack effectiveness and support, with informal, often non-democratic political processes and secret agreements continuing to prevail. The study aims to conclude a theoretical study, conceptualization, and generalization of the problems of the existence of informal institutions, as well as a comprehensive analysis of practical technologies of informal institutionalization in modern Ukraine. The authors used such general scientific methods as analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction, the ascent from the abstract to the concrete. The authors considered such informal institutions that exist in the political reality of Ukraine, such as lobbying, corruption, populism, non-conventional forms of political participation of citizens, party agreements, clientelism, and political bargaining. The effective technologies for the informal institutionalization of modern Ukraine, including technologies for eliminating authoritarian practices, technologies of party structuring, technologies of political participation and technologies for the formation of democratic political consciousness have been proposed. These technologies are aimed at the political modernization of Ukraine, ensuring the institutional functioning of democracy at the proper level and minimizing the negative effects of informal institutions.
研究的意义在于,虽然乌克兰自独立以来建立了正式的民主机构,但许多民主化问题仍未得到解决。这些正式机构缺乏有效性和支持,非正式的、往往是非民主的政治进程和秘密协议继续盛行。本研究旨在完成对非正式机构存在问题的理论研究、概念化和概括,以及对现代乌克兰非正式制度化实用技术的全面分析。作者采用了分析与综合、归纳与演绎、抽象、从抽象到具体等一般科学方法。作者考虑了乌克兰政治现实中存在的非正式制度,如游说、腐败、民粹主义、公民政治参与的非常规形式、政党协议、客户主义和政治讨价还价。提出了现代乌克兰非正式制度化的有效技术,包括消除专制做法的技术、政党结构技术、政治参与技术和形成民主政治意识的技术。这些技术旨在实现乌克兰的政治现代化,确保民主制度在适当层面上的运作,并最大限度地减少非正式制度的负面影响。
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引用次数: 0
Opting out of the ‘near abroad’ and moving towards eurointegration: A postfunctionalist analysis of Ukraine’s regional integration dynamics in the early 2010s 退出 "近邻",走向欧洲一体化:2010 年代初乌克兰地区一体化动态的后功能主义分析
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231221997
Oleksandra Kovalevska
This article examines the utility of a revised postfunctionalist theory in explaining regional (dis)integration dynamics. The case study employed to test the theoretical framework is based on Ukraine’s regional integration processes with respect to Eurasian and European regional organizations in the early 2010s. The principal research question posed is: what factors contributed to Ukraine’s decision to opt out of deeper integration with Eurasia in the early 2010s and pursue integration with the European Union insead, and how can this case study move the postfunctionalist theory forward? Three assumptions proposed by postfunctionalism, enriched with insights from social constructivism, were applied to the (dis)integration processes: salience, politicization, and collective identity. The analysis suggests that the revised postfunctionalist framework is indeed instrumental in explaining both integration and disintegration, providing insights into the role of collective identity mobilization once public discussion reaches a critical juncture in the politicization process.
本文探讨了经修订的后功能主义理论在解释地区(不)一体化动态方面的实用性。为检验该理论框架而采用的案例研究以乌克兰在 2010 年代初与欧亚和欧洲区域组织的区域一体化进程为基础。提出的主要研究问题是:是什么因素促使乌克兰在 2010 年代初决定放弃与欧亚大陆的深度一体化,转而寻求与欧盟的一体化?我们将后功能主义提出的三个假设与社会建构主义的见解相结合,应用于(不)一体化进程:突出性、政治化和集体认同。分析表明,修订后的后功能主义框架确实有助于解释整合与解体,并在公共讨论进入政治化进程的关键时刻,为集体身份动员的作用提供了启示。
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引用次数: 0
Geopolitics in the ESC: Comparing Russia’s and Ukraine’s use of cultural diplomacy in the Eurovision Song Contest 欧洲歌唱大赛中的地缘政治:比较俄罗斯和乌克兰在欧洲电视歌唱大赛中对文化外交的运用
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231222000
Lea M Welslau, Torsten J Selck
The Eurovision Song Contest has long served as a platform for cultural diplomacy among its participants. This paper examines how Russia and Ukraine have approached cultural diplomacy in and around the Eurovision Song Contest in the wake of the Russo-Ukrainian war. Following an outline of pertinent events from 2014 to 2022, including the Song Contest and the respective countries’ selected entries as well as the public discourse surrounding them, two distinct types of cultural diplomacy—culturalist versus neo-propagandist—are employed in a congruence analysis. The findings show that Russia employed a largely neo-propagandist approach to cultural diplomacy characterized by their projected image of peacefulness, innocence, and strength to alter their situational image. Ukraine has employed a mostly culturalist approach mainly focused on mutual recognition and the representation of national culture. The conscious instrumentalization of the platform to counter misconstrued perceptions of Ukraine shaped by the Kremlin’s rhetoric also adds neo-propagandist elements.
长期以来,欧洲电视歌唱大赛一直是参赛者开展文化外交的平台。本文探讨了俄乌战争后,俄罗斯和乌克兰如何在欧洲电视歌唱大赛中及围绕大赛开展文化外交。在概述了 2014 年至 2022 年期间的相关事件(包括歌唱大赛和两国各自选送的参赛作品以及围绕这些作品的公共讨论)之后,在一致性分析中采用了两种不同类型的文化外交--文化主义与新宣传主义。研究结果表明,俄罗斯主要采用了新宣传主义的文化外交方式,其特点是通过塑造和平、纯真和强大的形象来改变其处境形象。乌克兰采用的主要是文化主义方法,重点是相互承认和民族文化的代表性。乌克兰有意识地利用这一平台来抵制克里姆林宫言论对乌克兰的误解,这也增加了新宣传主义的元素。
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引用次数: 0
Status-seeking with a negative image – The changing position of Visegrád countries in the international community between 2004 and 2020 以负面形象寻求地位--2004 至 2020 年间维谢格拉德国家在国际社会中的地位变化
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1177/2336825x231221999
M. Szalai, Nikolett Garai
As the literature on small state foreign policy predicts that smaller states of the international community attempt to enlarge their influence by seeking a constructive status or proving their adherence to positive norms, the cases in which small states use a negative image to better their international position are almost completely neglected. The article aims to assess how the status of Visegrád countries in interstate society changed since their accession to the European Union in light of the generally negative perception of their governments’ ideological background connected to different kinds of populism and nationalism. Using the GDELT Database, the number of government-level interactions initiated towards the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia was analysed in a European context between 2004 and 2020. The results of the inquiry showed a drastic decrease in the interactions initiated towards the four countries between 2004 and the mid-2010s with a slightly higher ratio of confrontative interactions than in the case of other small and middle-sized states. Data show that Hungary, governed by populist parties since 2010, witnessed the smallest drop in attention in the last decade. These results defy the expectations of the small state literature and suggest a more complicated relationship between international status and the image of small states.
有关小国外交政策的文献预测,国际社会中的小国试图通过寻求建设性地位或证明其遵守积极规范来扩大其影响力,而小国利用负面形象来改善其国际地位的案例几乎完全被忽视。本文旨在评估自加入欧盟以来,由于人们普遍认为维舍格拉德国家政府的意识形态背景与各种民粹主义和民族主义有关,因此这些国家在国家间社会中的地位发生了怎样的变化。通过使用 GDELT 数据库,我们分析了 2004 至 2020 年间在欧洲范围内针对捷克共和国、匈牙利、波兰和斯洛伐克发起的政府层面互动的数量。调查结果显示,2004 年至 2010 年代中期,针对这四个国家的互动急剧减少,对抗性互动的比例略高于其他中小国家。数据显示,自 2010 年以来由民粹主义政党执政的匈牙利在过去十年中的关注度下降幅度最小。这些结果打破了小国文献的预期,表明国际地位与小国形象之间的关系更为复杂。
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引用次数: 0
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