What Does General Secretary Xi Jinping Dream About?

A. Saich
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

This analysis argues that the period of easy reforms in China has ended, and the time of difficult reforms that touch core political interests has begun. The resulting challenges facing the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) general secretary Xi Jinping when he is confirmed for another five-year-term span political, economic, and international spheres. This leadership must both maintain a domestic focus to strengthen economic growth and avoid the “middle-income trap,†while also engaging in a host of regional and global actions to cement China’s position on the world stage. Internally, Xi has consolidated significant political power, and this has created significant tension among vested interests and competing centers of influence. Externally, for the first time in several centuries, the largest economy in the world is not Western and will be under a leadership that does not share the same consensual values and political structures as those in the West. Xi has outlined several priorities, including: increased CCP control over state and society; the promotion of traditional Chinese culture; the importance of Marxism as a guiding principle; historical revisionism and censorship; the promotion of nationalism; and the pursuit of an aggressive national anti-corruption campaign. Given these goals and sets of challenges, the outcome in China is uncertain and there exist a range of possible scenarios. The most attractive for the West would be an increase in social diversity and an accommodation with society to form a new social compact. However, it is difficult to see what would cause the current elite willingly to reject the existing beneficial system. A more unpredictable outcome would be chaotic pluralization in which democracy is not entrenched and elites and their families continue to benefit from their political connections to privatize public wealth. An alternative over the short to medium term would be the continuation of the fluctuation of soft and harder authoritarianism that would make bold initiatives unlikely. Rarely does a transition occur during a period of economic growth and is more likely to occur with the system under stress. As a result, the emergence of an illiberal democracy would be quite plausible under this final scenario.
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这种分析认为,中国轻松改革的时期已经结束,触及核心政治利益的艰难改革时代已经开始。中国的领导层必须既把重点放在国内,以加强经济增长,避免落入 œmiddle-income陷阱,又要参与一系列地区和全球行动,巩固中国在世界舞台上的地位。从外部来看,几个世纪以来第一次,世界上最大的经济体不是西方国家,而且将处于一个与西方国家不同的价值观和政治结构的领导之下。弘扬中国传统文化;马克思主义指导思想的重要性;历史修正主义与审查制度;促进民族主义;以及一场积极的全国性反腐运动。考虑到这些目标和一系列挑战,中国的结果是不确定的,存在一系列可能的情况。对西方来说,最具吸引力的将是增加社会多样性,与社会和解,形成新的社会契约。然而,很难看出是什么原因导致当前的精英愿意拒绝现有的有利制度。更难以预测的结果将是混乱的多元化,民主不会根深蒂固,精英及其家族继续从他们的政治关系中获益,将公共财富私有化。短期到中期的另一种选择是,软威权主义和硬威权主义的持续波动,将使大胆的举措不太可能实现。转型很少发生在经济增长期间,而更有可能发生在体制面临压力的时候。因此,在最后一种情况下,出现一个不自由的民主国家是很有可能的。
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