{"title":"Keeping Your Head Down: Public Profiles and Promotion Under Autocracy","authors":"Dimitar D. Gueorguiev, P. Schuler","doi":"10.1017/JEA.2015.1","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"During the most recent party congresses in China and Vietnam, two highly anticipated candidates for promotion were sidelined. In China, Bo Xilai was arrested for corruption and stripped of his party membership. In Vietnam, Nguyen Ba Thanh remained a provincial leader with little opportunity for promotion to the Politburo. Existing arguments about promotions under authoritarian rule are unable to explain these outcomes. In particular, both candidates were competent and well connected. This cuts contrary to the expectations of both performance-based promotion and factional promotion theories. We argue that these candidates were sidelined due to a previously under-theorized factor in promotion contests — their ability to mobilize personal followings. In a literature that has focused almost exclusively on intra-elite conflict, we argue that elite-mass linkages are critical. In particular, the public profile of top leaders is important for regime legitimacy and mobilization. However, when an individual becomes exceptionally well known they become a threat to the single-party system. We test this argument on promotions in China’s 18th Party Congress in 2012 and Vietnam’s 11th Party Congress in 2011 using original data on Internet search queries and media coverage among contenders for promotion. Our approach offers new insights into the strategies authoritarian politicians use to stay afloat as well as the mistakes that sink them when competing for power under one-party rule.","PeriodicalId":189833,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Autocratic Regimes (Topic)","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2015-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"24","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"PSN: Politics of Autocratic Regimes (Topic)","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/JEA.2015.1","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 24
Abstract
During the most recent party congresses in China and Vietnam, two highly anticipated candidates for promotion were sidelined. In China, Bo Xilai was arrested for corruption and stripped of his party membership. In Vietnam, Nguyen Ba Thanh remained a provincial leader with little opportunity for promotion to the Politburo. Existing arguments about promotions under authoritarian rule are unable to explain these outcomes. In particular, both candidates were competent and well connected. This cuts contrary to the expectations of both performance-based promotion and factional promotion theories. We argue that these candidates were sidelined due to a previously under-theorized factor in promotion contests — their ability to mobilize personal followings. In a literature that has focused almost exclusively on intra-elite conflict, we argue that elite-mass linkages are critical. In particular, the public profile of top leaders is important for regime legitimacy and mobilization. However, when an individual becomes exceptionally well known they become a threat to the single-party system. We test this argument on promotions in China’s 18th Party Congress in 2012 and Vietnam’s 11th Party Congress in 2011 using original data on Internet search queries and media coverage among contenders for promotion. Our approach offers new insights into the strategies authoritarian politicians use to stay afloat as well as the mistakes that sink them when competing for power under one-party rule.
在中国和越南最近举行的党代会上,两名备受期待的晋升候选人被排除在外。在中国,薄熙来因腐败被捕,并被开除党籍。在越南,阮巴清(Nguyen Ba Thanh)仍然是一个省级领导人,几乎没有机会晋升到中央政治局。现有的关于威权统治下晋升的争论无法解释这些结果。值得一提的是,两位候选人都很能干,关系也很好。这与基于绩效的晋升理论和派系晋升理论的预期背道而驰。我们认为,这些候选人之所以被排除在外,是因为在晋升竞争中有一个先前未被理论化的因素——他们动员个人追随者的能力。在一篇几乎只关注精英内部冲突的文献中,我们认为精英与大众的联系至关重要。特别是,最高领导人的公众形象对政权的合法性和动员非常重要。然而,当一个人变得异常出名时,他们就会对一党专政制度构成威胁。我们对2012年中国第十八次党代会和2011年越南第十一次党代会的晋升进行了测试,使用了互联网搜索查询和媒体报道的原始数据。我们的研究方法为我们提供了新的视角,让我们了解专制政治家在一党统治下争夺权力时所使用的维持生存的策略,以及使他们陷入困境的错误。