Disabled people's access needs in transport decarbonisation

Q4 Social Sciences IPPR Progressive Review Pub Date : 2024-12-11 DOI:10.1111/newe.12414
Dr Harrie Larrington-Spencer
{"title":"Disabled people's access needs in transport decarbonisation","authors":"Dr Harrie Larrington-Spencer","doi":"10.1111/newe.12414","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>Decarbonising transport is essential for achieving net zero. Transport is the largest contributor to UK domestic greenhouse gas emissions – responsible for 27 per cent in 2019, even excluding emissions from international aviation and shipping.1 Simply electrifying private vehicle stock at existing levels of ownership and use will not be sufficient to achieve climate goals,2 and will fail to address the public health epidemics of road deaths and serious injuries, physical inactivity, and air pollution, all enabled by private car ownership.3</p><p>Transport decarbonisation, then, necessitates increasing levels of active travel, as well as increasing public transport use – also recognising that most public transport journeys will start and end with active travel. Within this paper, active travel is understood as walking, wheeling, and cycling, with wheeling including fully-powered mobility aids such as electric wheelchairs and mobility scooters – reflecting the infrastructural needs of such modes, as well as acknowledging disabled people's often non-normative forms of physical activity.4</p><p>Active travel targets have been established across the UK, recognising the necessity of increasing mode share. For example, 50 per cent of trips in England's towns and cities to be walked, wheels, or cycled by 2030,5 a mode share target of 45 per cent for public transport and active travel in Wales by 2040,6 and a reduction in car use by 20 per cent in Scotland by 2030.7</p><p>To increase levels of active travel, reallocating road space away from private vehicles and making space for and investing in safe, accessible, and dedicated walking, wheeling, and cycling infrastructure is essential. In a systematic review of a decade's worth of research on active travel interventions, Roaf et al demonstrate how active travel interventions with infrastructure change have the greatest positive impact upon levels of active travel, whilst social and behavioural interventions without infrastructure change have little impact.8 Safe and dedicated infrastructure is also important for extending the diversity of people travelling actively. For example, women9 and disabled people10 often have a strong preference for dedicated cycling infrastructure, and such infrastructure has been demonstrated to increase the number of women cycling.11</p><p>Access frictions are emerging as new infrastructure with an evidence base for positive impacts upon levels of active travel, for example dedicated and segregated cycle tracks and low traffic neighbourhoods,12 is being implemented.13 Such frictions occur when nuanced and individualised embodiments of disability mean that the access needs of some disabled people, ie the things one needs to be able to fully and meaningfully participate within a space or activity such as travel, are seemingly incompatible with the access needs of other disabled people. Access friction between disabled people has also been discussed as ‘conflicting’ or ‘competing’ access needs. However, by putting disabled people's access needs as oppositional, this framing precludes the potential for moving beyond such an impasse and developing more inclusive solutions. It also does an injustice to disability solidarity and the desire by most disabled people to meet the access needs of others, even when they are seemingly incompatible with one's own. As Piepzna-Samarasinha reflects: “I've often seen crip-only spaces fill with feelings of betrayal and hopelessness when we cannot fulfil some of our friends’ needs”.14</p><p>To demonstrate access frictions within new active travel infrastructure, I discuss the case of bus stop bypasses below.</p><p>Bus stop bypasses involve a dedicated cycle track being directed behind a bus stop, maintaining the separation of those using the cycle track from motor traffic on the road (Figure 1). Such a bypass means that cyclists and other cycle track users do not need to exit a protected cycle lane and mix with motor vehicles to overtake a stationary bus.</p><p>Bus stop bypasses are an important infrastructure to meet the access needs of disabled cyclists, for whom not sharing the carriageway with motor vehicles is often an important facilitator of being able to cycle.15 Such bypasses can also benefit disabled people who use class 2 or class 3 mobility scooters and powered wheelchairs and can legally use cycle tracks.16 For some mobility and electric scooter users, cycle tracks, when available, can be more accessible than pavements, as surfacing is often smoother, and kerb drops less of a concern when navigating junctions.</p><p>However, there has been pushback particularly from blind and visually impaired people and representative organisations, such as the Royal National Institute of Blind People (RNIB), the National Federation of the Blind (NFB), and Guide Dogs charity, because of the emergent access frictions. These are that bus stop bypasses negatively affect the ability of blind and visually impaired pedestrians to safely and independently use buses, as pedestrians must step into a ‘live’ cycle track to access the bus stop. Problems encountered include blind and visually impaired people not knowing whether a cyclist is using the track, or whether a cyclist will stop, even if there is a zebra crossing.17 This can result in a hostile public realm for blind and visually impaired people and limit opportunities to access public transport. Whilst RNIB and Guide Dogs call for a halt to the implementation of bus stop bypasses, NFB go further, calling for their removal.18</p><p>When such access frictions emerge within the implementation of active travel interventions, they are often also appropriated by non-disabled people to support divergent political positions on active travel and transport decarbonisation.19 In the case of bus stop bypasses, for example, the dying days of the last Conservative government saw then Transport Secretary Mark Harper publicly announcing that they were considering ‘banning’ such infrastructure.20 Considering the appalling track record of the Conservative government on the safety and wellbeing of disabled people,21 such an announcement can be better understood as an attempt to further stoke the active travel ‘culture war’ in the build up to the 2024 election than as an attempt to protect the mobility practices of disabled people.22 Such appropriation of access conflicts simplifies complex embodiments of disability, drowns out the diversity of disabled voices, and objectifies and simplifies disabled people's experiences. Such objectification is symptomatic of endemic ableism and the continued medicalisation of disability; a dominant social paradigm in which disabled bodies are objects to be controlled and improved.23</p><p>Attending to access frictions in the implementation of active travel infrastructure and transport decarbonisation is necessary. This is especially true when considering the potential negative impacts upon mobility for some, often compounding the already substantial barriers faced by disabled people in accessing all forms of transport.24 Such immobility has detrimental financial, health, and wellbeing impacts on those affected.25</p><p>But how do we respond to access frictions? Do we simply, as proposed in the case of bus stop bypasses, ‘ban’ new active travel infrastructure when friction occurs? If we did, we would only achieve alternative forms of friction; for example, the inaccessibility of urban cycling for disabled people who use cycles as mobility aids. It is understandable to desire a return to the status quo, considering that levels of access, even inequitable and flawed levels of access, have been hard won by disabled people, and any changes risk challenging ways that one has learned to be mobile, despite such uneven urban landscapes. However, as Transport for All reflect in their research, identifying access frictions in the implementation of low traffic neighbourhoods (LTNs) in the UK: “We don't believe ripping them out and returning to normal is the way forward. Indeed, the ‘normal’ we had before was not accessible enough either”.26</p><p>Instead, I propose we need to attend to access frictions and face the contradictions and complexities of disabled people's access needs in active travel interventions. Whilst the very existence of friction is uncomfortable and may make us desire the status quo, it is necessary to harness and address frictions to ensure that active travel futures are inclusive of all disabled people.</p><p>The first step in doing this, I believe, is recognising that we have been here before with new active travel infrastructure. After the second world war, many veterans were returning to the United States as wheelchair users. Facing solid kerb drop-offs when trying to navigate crossing roads, disabled veterans began lobbying for kerb drops. The first was installed in Kalamazoo, Michigan in the 1940s, and the infrastructure became popularised after disability activists in Berkley in the 1960s began installing their own across the city as the public works programme on kerb drops was slow and limited.27 An access friction emerged, however, as kerb drops were developed “on the presumption of chair users as the prototypical disabled body”.28 For blind people, this initial iteration of kerb drops would often cause disorientation by disrupting learned ways of navigating the built environment, where the solid drop-off from the pavement indicated the meeting of pavement and road.29 Further iterations followed. For example, implementing kerb drops a distance from road crossing points to maintain street legibility for blind and visually impaired pedestrians. However, this meant that wheelchair users had to navigate motor traffic to reach the crossing from the ramp or face the dangers of crossing a road where there was no crossing point.30 A further iteration, now considered best practice, was the use of tactiles in combination with kerb drops at crossing points, allowing wheelchair users to access crossings from the pavement, whilst also alerting blind and visually impaired pedestrians of the intersection of road and pavement.31</p><p>So, an infrastructure was developed, through pan-disability iterations and negotiations, to support wheelchair users and blind and visually impaired pedestrians to navigate pavements and pedestrian crossings. What is important to recognise in the development of this infrastructure is that it is not ‘perfect’. Tactiles can be painful for people in wheelchairs and a trip hazard for people with walking difficulties,32 and mobility training for blind and visually impaired pedestrians has also had to develop to incorporate navigating kerb drops within the built environment.</p><p>The kerb drop then, is an example of ‘collective access’; “access that we intentionally create collectively, instead of individually”.33 Through this creation, complexity is recognised and embraced, and access is understood as a “constant process that doesn't stop”,34 rather than a static outcome. Instead of striving for an unobtainable ‘fully accessible’, which obscures access frictions, as well as dematerializes other forms of difference that intersect with disability,35 is a better outcome not one in which, like the kerb drop with tactiles, nobody is excluded and everybody has the best experience possible?</p><p>To achieve this, disabled people must be at the centre of developing collective access for active travel infrastructure. The making of such collective access will not be easy and will involve ongoing and difficult conversations between disabled people with diverse impairments and seemingly incompatible access needs, whilst also ensuring that racialised, gendered, and classed forms of difference are also materialised. Whilst it is important that we understand the embodied experiences of new active travel infrastructure by impairment type, it is essential that the design and development of active travel infrastructure is pan-disability.</p><p>Disabled people's role in collective access making for active travel infrastructure cannot be tokenistic. Not only because the foundation of disability justice is ‘nothing about us with us’, but because, as Piepzna-Samarasinha says: “If you don't know how to do access, ask disabled people. We've been doing it for a long time”.36 Disabled people are experts and designers of everyday life.37 Don't just consult us. Respect our skills and our knowledge and learn from us. Involve us from the beginning but remember that collective access making is a process. Be open and flexible (in mind but also in funding) to development and change, to ongoing insight and to improvements. As disabled people, and however frustrating it might be, we also need to respect the access needs of others that may not align with our own, and commit to “build[ing] a model of experimenting and seeing how it works out, then adjusting”.38 When nobody is excluded and everybody has the best access experience possible, we are ensuring inclusion.</p>","PeriodicalId":37420,"journal":{"name":"IPPR Progressive Review","volume":"31 3","pages":"243-249"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/newe.12414","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"IPPR Progressive Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/newe.12414","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Decarbonising transport is essential for achieving net zero. Transport is the largest contributor to UK domestic greenhouse gas emissions – responsible for 27 per cent in 2019, even excluding emissions from international aviation and shipping.1 Simply electrifying private vehicle stock at existing levels of ownership and use will not be sufficient to achieve climate goals,2 and will fail to address the public health epidemics of road deaths and serious injuries, physical inactivity, and air pollution, all enabled by private car ownership.3

Transport decarbonisation, then, necessitates increasing levels of active travel, as well as increasing public transport use – also recognising that most public transport journeys will start and end with active travel. Within this paper, active travel is understood as walking, wheeling, and cycling, with wheeling including fully-powered mobility aids such as electric wheelchairs and mobility scooters – reflecting the infrastructural needs of such modes, as well as acknowledging disabled people's often non-normative forms of physical activity.4

Active travel targets have been established across the UK, recognising the necessity of increasing mode share. For example, 50 per cent of trips in England's towns and cities to be walked, wheels, or cycled by 2030,5 a mode share target of 45 per cent for public transport and active travel in Wales by 2040,6 and a reduction in car use by 20 per cent in Scotland by 2030.7

To increase levels of active travel, reallocating road space away from private vehicles and making space for and investing in safe, accessible, and dedicated walking, wheeling, and cycling infrastructure is essential. In a systematic review of a decade's worth of research on active travel interventions, Roaf et al demonstrate how active travel interventions with infrastructure change have the greatest positive impact upon levels of active travel, whilst social and behavioural interventions without infrastructure change have little impact.8 Safe and dedicated infrastructure is also important for extending the diversity of people travelling actively. For example, women9 and disabled people10 often have a strong preference for dedicated cycling infrastructure, and such infrastructure has been demonstrated to increase the number of women cycling.11

Access frictions are emerging as new infrastructure with an evidence base for positive impacts upon levels of active travel, for example dedicated and segregated cycle tracks and low traffic neighbourhoods,12 is being implemented.13 Such frictions occur when nuanced and individualised embodiments of disability mean that the access needs of some disabled people, ie the things one needs to be able to fully and meaningfully participate within a space or activity such as travel, are seemingly incompatible with the access needs of other disabled people. Access friction between disabled people has also been discussed as ‘conflicting’ or ‘competing’ access needs. However, by putting disabled people's access needs as oppositional, this framing precludes the potential for moving beyond such an impasse and developing more inclusive solutions. It also does an injustice to disability solidarity and the desire by most disabled people to meet the access needs of others, even when they are seemingly incompatible with one's own. As Piepzna-Samarasinha reflects: “I've often seen crip-only spaces fill with feelings of betrayal and hopelessness when we cannot fulfil some of our friends’ needs”.14

To demonstrate access frictions within new active travel infrastructure, I discuss the case of bus stop bypasses below.

Bus stop bypasses involve a dedicated cycle track being directed behind a bus stop, maintaining the separation of those using the cycle track from motor traffic on the road (Figure 1). Such a bypass means that cyclists and other cycle track users do not need to exit a protected cycle lane and mix with motor vehicles to overtake a stationary bus.

Bus stop bypasses are an important infrastructure to meet the access needs of disabled cyclists, for whom not sharing the carriageway with motor vehicles is often an important facilitator of being able to cycle.15 Such bypasses can also benefit disabled people who use class 2 or class 3 mobility scooters and powered wheelchairs and can legally use cycle tracks.16 For some mobility and electric scooter users, cycle tracks, when available, can be more accessible than pavements, as surfacing is often smoother, and kerb drops less of a concern when navigating junctions.

However, there has been pushback particularly from blind and visually impaired people and representative organisations, such as the Royal National Institute of Blind People (RNIB), the National Federation of the Blind (NFB), and Guide Dogs charity, because of the emergent access frictions. These are that bus stop bypasses negatively affect the ability of blind and visually impaired pedestrians to safely and independently use buses, as pedestrians must step into a ‘live’ cycle track to access the bus stop. Problems encountered include blind and visually impaired people not knowing whether a cyclist is using the track, or whether a cyclist will stop, even if there is a zebra crossing.17 This can result in a hostile public realm for blind and visually impaired people and limit opportunities to access public transport. Whilst RNIB and Guide Dogs call for a halt to the implementation of bus stop bypasses, NFB go further, calling for their removal.18

When such access frictions emerge within the implementation of active travel interventions, they are often also appropriated by non-disabled people to support divergent political positions on active travel and transport decarbonisation.19 In the case of bus stop bypasses, for example, the dying days of the last Conservative government saw then Transport Secretary Mark Harper publicly announcing that they were considering ‘banning’ such infrastructure.20 Considering the appalling track record of the Conservative government on the safety and wellbeing of disabled people,21 such an announcement can be better understood as an attempt to further stoke the active travel ‘culture war’ in the build up to the 2024 election than as an attempt to protect the mobility practices of disabled people.22 Such appropriation of access conflicts simplifies complex embodiments of disability, drowns out the diversity of disabled voices, and objectifies and simplifies disabled people's experiences. Such objectification is symptomatic of endemic ableism and the continued medicalisation of disability; a dominant social paradigm in which disabled bodies are objects to be controlled and improved.23

Attending to access frictions in the implementation of active travel infrastructure and transport decarbonisation is necessary. This is especially true when considering the potential negative impacts upon mobility for some, often compounding the already substantial barriers faced by disabled people in accessing all forms of transport.24 Such immobility has detrimental financial, health, and wellbeing impacts on those affected.25

But how do we respond to access frictions? Do we simply, as proposed in the case of bus stop bypasses, ‘ban’ new active travel infrastructure when friction occurs? If we did, we would only achieve alternative forms of friction; for example, the inaccessibility of urban cycling for disabled people who use cycles as mobility aids. It is understandable to desire a return to the status quo, considering that levels of access, even inequitable and flawed levels of access, have been hard won by disabled people, and any changes risk challenging ways that one has learned to be mobile, despite such uneven urban landscapes. However, as Transport for All reflect in their research, identifying access frictions in the implementation of low traffic neighbourhoods (LTNs) in the UK: “We don't believe ripping them out and returning to normal is the way forward. Indeed, the ‘normal’ we had before was not accessible enough either”.26

Instead, I propose we need to attend to access frictions and face the contradictions and complexities of disabled people's access needs in active travel interventions. Whilst the very existence of friction is uncomfortable and may make us desire the status quo, it is necessary to harness and address frictions to ensure that active travel futures are inclusive of all disabled people.

The first step in doing this, I believe, is recognising that we have been here before with new active travel infrastructure. After the second world war, many veterans were returning to the United States as wheelchair users. Facing solid kerb drop-offs when trying to navigate crossing roads, disabled veterans began lobbying for kerb drops. The first was installed in Kalamazoo, Michigan in the 1940s, and the infrastructure became popularised after disability activists in Berkley in the 1960s began installing their own across the city as the public works programme on kerb drops was slow and limited.27 An access friction emerged, however, as kerb drops were developed “on the presumption of chair users as the prototypical disabled body”.28 For blind people, this initial iteration of kerb drops would often cause disorientation by disrupting learned ways of navigating the built environment, where the solid drop-off from the pavement indicated the meeting of pavement and road.29 Further iterations followed. For example, implementing kerb drops a distance from road crossing points to maintain street legibility for blind and visually impaired pedestrians. However, this meant that wheelchair users had to navigate motor traffic to reach the crossing from the ramp or face the dangers of crossing a road where there was no crossing point.30 A further iteration, now considered best practice, was the use of tactiles in combination with kerb drops at crossing points, allowing wheelchair users to access crossings from the pavement, whilst also alerting blind and visually impaired pedestrians of the intersection of road and pavement.31

So, an infrastructure was developed, through pan-disability iterations and negotiations, to support wheelchair users and blind and visually impaired pedestrians to navigate pavements and pedestrian crossings. What is important to recognise in the development of this infrastructure is that it is not ‘perfect’. Tactiles can be painful for people in wheelchairs and a trip hazard for people with walking difficulties,32 and mobility training for blind and visually impaired pedestrians has also had to develop to incorporate navigating kerb drops within the built environment.

The kerb drop then, is an example of ‘collective access’; “access that we intentionally create collectively, instead of individually”.33 Through this creation, complexity is recognised and embraced, and access is understood as a “constant process that doesn't stop”,34 rather than a static outcome. Instead of striving for an unobtainable ‘fully accessible’, which obscures access frictions, as well as dematerializes other forms of difference that intersect with disability,35 is a better outcome not one in which, like the kerb drop with tactiles, nobody is excluded and everybody has the best experience possible?

To achieve this, disabled people must be at the centre of developing collective access for active travel infrastructure. The making of such collective access will not be easy and will involve ongoing and difficult conversations between disabled people with diverse impairments and seemingly incompatible access needs, whilst also ensuring that racialised, gendered, and classed forms of difference are also materialised. Whilst it is important that we understand the embodied experiences of new active travel infrastructure by impairment type, it is essential that the design and development of active travel infrastructure is pan-disability.

Disabled people's role in collective access making for active travel infrastructure cannot be tokenistic. Not only because the foundation of disability justice is ‘nothing about us with us’, but because, as Piepzna-Samarasinha says: “If you don't know how to do access, ask disabled people. We've been doing it for a long time”.36 Disabled people are experts and designers of everyday life.37 Don't just consult us. Respect our skills and our knowledge and learn from us. Involve us from the beginning but remember that collective access making is a process. Be open and flexible (in mind but also in funding) to development and change, to ongoing insight and to improvements. As disabled people, and however frustrating it might be, we also need to respect the access needs of others that may not align with our own, and commit to “build[ing] a model of experimenting and seeing how it works out, then adjusting”.38 When nobody is excluded and everybody has the best access experience possible, we are ensuring inclusion.

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残疾人在交通脱碳中的通行需求
交通去碳化是实现净零排放的关键。交通是英国国内温室气体排放的最大贡献者--2019 年占 27%,甚至不包括国际航空和海运的排放量。1 仅在现有的拥有和使用水平上对私家车进行电气化不足以实现气候目标,2 也无法解决因拥有私家车而导致的道路死亡和严重伤害、缺乏运动和空气污染等公共卫生流行病。因此,交通去碳化需要提高积极出行水平,同时增加公共交通的使用--也要认识到大多数公共交通出行的起点和终点都是积极出行。在本文中,积极出行被理解为步行、轮椅出行和骑自行车出行,其中轮椅出行包括电动轮椅和代步车等全动力代步工具--这反映了此类出行方式对基础设施的需求,同时也承认残疾人的体育活动形式通常并不规范。例如,到 2030 年,英格兰城镇中 50%的出行将以步行、轮椅或自行车代步;5 到 2040 年,威尔士的公共交通和积极出行的模式份额目标为 45%;6 到 2030 年,苏格兰的汽车使用量将减少 20%。7 为提高积极出行水平,必须重新分配道路空间,不再使用私家车,为安全、无障碍、专用的步行、轮椅和自行车基础设施留出空间并进行投资。Roaf 等人对十年来有关积极出行干预措施的研究进行了系统回顾,结果表明,改变基础设施的积极出行干预措施对积极出行水平的积极影响最大,而不改变基础设施的社会和行为干预措施影响甚微。例如,妇女9 和残疾人10 往往对专用的自行车基础设施情有独钟,而且此类基础设施已被证明可增加妇女骑车出行的人数。11 随着有证据证明对积极出行水平有积极影响的新基础设施(如专用和隔离的自行车道和低交通流量社区12)的实施,出现了准入摩擦。当残疾的细微和个性化体现意味着一些残疾人的无障碍需求,即一个人能够充分和有意义地参与一个空间或活动(如出行)所需要的东西,与其他残疾人的无障碍需求似乎不相容时,这种摩擦就会发生。残疾人之间的无障碍摩擦也被讨论为 "相互冲突 "或 "相互竞争 "的无障碍需求。然而,由于将残疾人的无障碍需求对立起来,这种框架排除了超越这种僵局并制定更具包容性的解决方案的可能性。这也是对残疾人团结和大多数残疾人满足他人无障碍需求的愿望的不公,即使这些需求似乎与自己的需求不相容。正如 Piepzna-Samarasinha 所反映的那样:"我经常看到,当我们无法满足朋友的某些需求时,瘸子专用空间充满了背叛感和无助感"。14 为了展示新的积极出行基础设施中的通行摩擦,我将在下文讨论公交站旁路的案例。公交站旁路是指在公交站后方设置专用自行车道,保持自行车道使用者与道路上机动车的隔离(图 1)。公交站旁路是满足残疾骑车人通行需求的重要基础设施,对他们来说,不与机动车共用车行道通常是能够骑车的重要便利因素。15 这种旁路也能让使用 2 级或 3 级代步车和电动轮椅的残疾人受益,他们可以合法使用自行车道。16 对于一些行动不便者和电动代步车使用者来说,自行车道(如果有的话)可能比人行道更容易到达,因为路面通常更平整,而且在通过路口时,路缘石掉落也不那么令人担忧。然而,由于新出现的通行摩擦,特别是来自盲人和视障人士以及皇家全国盲人协会 (RNIB)、全国盲人联合会 (NFB) 和导盲犬慈善机构等代表组织的反对意见也一直存在。 30 现在被认为是最佳做法的进一步迭代,是在过街点使用触线与路缘石相结合,允许轮椅使用者从人行道上通过过街通道,同时也提醒盲人和视障行人注意道路与人行道的交汇处31。在开发这种基础设施的过程中,我们必须认识到它并不 "完美"。对于坐轮椅的人来说,路缘石可能会让他们感到疼痛,对于行走不便的人来说,路缘石也会给他们带来绊倒的危险,32 而针对盲人和视障行人的行动能力培训也必须发展到能在建筑环境中导航路缘石的程度。35 与其追求无法实现的 "完全无障碍",这种 "完全无障碍 "掩盖了无障碍的摩擦,并将与残疾交织在一起的其他形式的差异非物质化。打造这样的集体通道并非易事,需要在有不同缺陷和看似不相容的通道需求的残疾人之间进行持续而艰难的对话,同时还要确保种族、性别和阶级形式的差异也得以实现。虽然我们有必要按残障类型来了解新的积极出行基础设施的具体体验,但积极出行基础设施的设计和开发必须是泛残障的。残疾人在积极出行基础设施的集体无障碍建设中的作用不能是象征性的,这不仅是因为残疾公正的基础是 "我们与我们无关",还因为正如 Piepzna-Samarasinha 所说:"如果你不知道如何进行无障碍建设,那就去问残疾人。36 残疾人是专家,也是日常生活的设计者。尊重我们的技能和知识,向我们学习。让我们从一开始就参与进来,但要记住,集体参与是一个过程。对发展和变化、持续的洞察力和改进持开放和灵活的态度(不仅在思想上,而且在资金上)。作为残疾人,无论多么令人沮丧,我们也需要尊重他人的使用需求,因为这些需求可能与我们自己的需求并不一致,并致力于 "建立一种实验模式,看看效果如何,然后进行调整 "38 。
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来源期刊
IPPR Progressive Review
IPPR Progressive Review Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
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43
期刊介绍: The permafrost of no alternatives has cracked; the horizon of political possibilities is expanding. IPPR Progressive Review is a pluralistic space to debate where next for progressives, examine the opportunities and challenges confronting us and ask the big questions facing our politics: transforming a failed economic model, renewing a frayed social contract, building a new relationship with Europe. Publishing the best writing in economics, politics and culture, IPPR Progressive Review explores how we can best build a more equal, humane and prosperous society.
期刊最新文献
Issue Information Decarbonisation pathways for UK transport Disabled people's access needs in transport decarbonisation Transport's role in creating a fairer, healthier country Editorial
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