{"title":"Befuddled: How America Can Get Its Voice Back","authors":"Daniel Kimmage","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2023.2190633","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"OnMarch 18, 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin strode into the Kremlin’s gold-drenched Georgievsky reception hall to announce the annexation of Crimea. Kyiv was aghast, and western capitals spluttered with indignation, but the applause in Moscow was as thunderous as anything anyone had heard in decades. The takeover of Crimea relied more on influence than brute force. The Kremlin had spent years subjugating domestic media, honing its prowess at cyber operations, dispatching armies of bots to manipulate discourse on the internet, and putting a friendly spin on the news outside Russia with well-produced television broadcasts. In February 2014, Russia used its manipulation machine to pull off the largest land grab in Europe since the Second World War without losing a single soldier. Two years later, American voters went to the polls to choose a president. As they mulled their decision, some of them saw politically polarizing content amplified by troll farms on social media. Others absorbed press coverage of leaks that cast aspersions on Hillary Clinton. Unbeknownst to American voters, online operators employed by a friend of President Putin had cooked up the content, while the leaks were the handiwork of Russian military intelligence. These two operations marked the culmination of an extraordinary effort of reconstruction. For two decades, a motley crew answering ultimately to the Kremlin had painstakingly rebuilt their country’s institutional infrastructure for projecting influence. They had vivid memories of the 1980s when Soviet","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"46 1","pages":"87 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Washington Quarterly","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2023.2190633","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
OnMarch 18, 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin strode into the Kremlin’s gold-drenched Georgievsky reception hall to announce the annexation of Crimea. Kyiv was aghast, and western capitals spluttered with indignation, but the applause in Moscow was as thunderous as anything anyone had heard in decades. The takeover of Crimea relied more on influence than brute force. The Kremlin had spent years subjugating domestic media, honing its prowess at cyber operations, dispatching armies of bots to manipulate discourse on the internet, and putting a friendly spin on the news outside Russia with well-produced television broadcasts. In February 2014, Russia used its manipulation machine to pull off the largest land grab in Europe since the Second World War without losing a single soldier. Two years later, American voters went to the polls to choose a president. As they mulled their decision, some of them saw politically polarizing content amplified by troll farms on social media. Others absorbed press coverage of leaks that cast aspersions on Hillary Clinton. Unbeknownst to American voters, online operators employed by a friend of President Putin had cooked up the content, while the leaks were the handiwork of Russian military intelligence. These two operations marked the culmination of an extraordinary effort of reconstruction. For two decades, a motley crew answering ultimately to the Kremlin had painstakingly rebuilt their country’s institutional infrastructure for projecting influence. They had vivid memories of the 1980s when Soviet
期刊介绍:
The Washington Quarterly (TWQ) is a journal of global affairs that analyzes strategic security challenges, changes, and their public policy implications. TWQ is published out of one of the world"s preeminent international policy institutions, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), and addresses topics such as: •The U.S. role in the world •Emerging great powers: Europe, China, Russia, India, and Japan •Regional issues and flashpoints, particularly in the Middle East and Asia •Weapons of mass destruction proliferation and missile defenses •Global perspectives to reduce terrorism Contributors are drawn from outside as well as inside the United States and reflect diverse political, regional, and professional perspectives.