New Puzzles in International Tax Agreements

Tax eJournal Pub Date : 2021-10-12 DOI:10.2139/ssrn.3877854
W. Cui
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Abstract

The G-7’s “global minimum tax” accord—followed by a new version of the OECD’s “Two Pillar Solution” and its endorsement by the G-20—is accepted by many as evidence for international tax cooperation. But recent policy discussions offer no answer to a basic question: What can countries cooperate to achieve? This Article shows that the answers provided by proponents of the new international tax agreement are alarmingly ad hoc, misleading, and incoherent. Scholarship on corporate taxation has also long failed to identify potentials for international cooperation. The more successful international agreements purport to be, in other words, the more puzzling they become. I first examine three rationales recently identified for collective action. The first alleges a transformation in the services trade that supposedly undermines premises of traditional international tax design. The second emphasizes the international community’s need to appease the United States and prevent the latter from starting trade wars. Both make unusual and untenable factual and normative assumptions. A third rationale seems more familiar—countries should cooperate to end tax competition and multinational companies’ tax avoidance—but is at odds with both economic theory and the actual content of the OECD’s proposal. Theoretically, ending tax competitions—whether for productive capital or for corporate headquarters—cannot create gains for all countries. And in terms of policy content, the OECD proposal can more plausibly be read as limiting, rather than enhancing, governments’ capacities to tax MNCs. Older and more basic puzzles in theories of international taxation—concerning source-country taxation, residence countries’ unilateral relief from double taxation, and bilateral tax treaties—compound these new puzzles. Arguably, these puzzles have led tax scholars to abandon a basic social scientific template for explaining cooperation. Indeed, much of economic scholarship takes international tax institutions as exogenously given. I contrast this state of affairs with economic theories of trade agreements—in particular, with the way the “terms-of-trade” theory rationalizes the GATT/WTO regime. To emulate the success of the “terms-of-trade” theory, I argue, certain assumptions that have long prevailed in discourses about international taxation may need to be jettisoned. Only a more fundamental reconceptualization of the subject matter of international taxation can shed light on the true past and future grounds for international tax cooperation.
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国际税收协定中的新难题
七国集团的“全球最低税”协议——紧随其后的是经合组织“两支柱解决方案”的新版本,并得到了20国集团的认可——被许多人接受为国际税收合作的证据。但最近的政策讨论没有给出一个基本问题的答案:各国可以通过合作实现什么目标?本文表明,新的国际税收协议的支持者提供的答案是令人震惊的临时,误导和不连贯。长期以来,公司税方面的学术研究也未能发现国际合作的潜力。换句话说,国际协议声称的越成功,它们就越令人困惑。我首先考察最近确定的集体行动的三个理由。第一个指控是服务贸易的转变,据称破坏了传统国际税收设计的前提。二是强调国际社会需要安抚美国,防止美国发动贸易战。两者都做出了不寻常的、站不住脚的事实和规范假设。第三个理由似乎更熟悉——各国应该合作结束税收竞争和跨国公司的避税行为——但这与经济理论和经合组织提案的实际内容都不一致。从理论上讲,结束税收竞争——无论是针对生产资本还是针对公司总部——并不能为所有国家创造收益。就政策内容而言,经合组织的提议更有可能被解读为限制(而非增强)政府对跨国公司征税的能力。国际税收理论中较为古老和基本的困惑——来源国税收、居住国单边减免双重征税和双边税收协定——使这些新的困惑更加复杂。可以说,这些困惑导致税务学者放弃了解释合作的基本社会科学模板。事实上,许多经济学者认为国际税收制度是外生的。我将这种状况与贸易协定的经济理论——特别是“贸易条件”理论使关贸总协定/世贸组织制度合理化的方式——进行了对比。我认为,为了效仿“贸易条件”理论的成功,可能需要抛弃长期以来在有关国际税收的论述中盛行的某些假设。只有对国际税收的主题进行更根本的重新构想,才能阐明国际税收合作过去和未来的真正理由。
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