安全考虑是合理的,影响范围不是

IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI:10.1080/0163660X.2022.2091875
D. Wei
{"title":"安全考虑是合理的,影响范围不是","authors":"D. Wei","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2091875","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"On February 24, 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered Russian troops to invade eastern Ukraine to carry out a “special military operation.” This latest war in Russia’s neighborhood recalls its annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its conflict with Georgia in 2008. Many believe that Russia is seeking to establish a sphere of influence in its backyard, with a view toward restoring some of the old influence of various elements of the Soviet Union and the Russian Empire. Since the outbreak of the war, Chinese officials have maintained a delicate balance between recognizing Ukraine’s territorial integrity as a sovereign nation and acknowledging Russia’s security concerns. This tightrope-walking strategy has generated much criticism in the Western world. Do Chinese officials and Chinese scholars support the concept of spheres of influence? Does a certain level of Chinese sympathy and understanding for Russia mean that China supports Russia’s efforts to create spheres of influence around it? As China’s power increases, will China seek spheres of influence in its own neighborhood? This paper lays out preliminary answers to these questions, first by examining the associations of the term “sphere of influence” in Chinese political rhetoric and how this view affects China’s visions of both Asian and global security. Next, I discuss the concept of a “security concern,” a phrase which many Chinese analysts tend to use, and how they view a case like the war in Ukraine through this lens. The essential takeaway here is the wisdom of selfrestraint. It is natural that a powerful country might have security concerns","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"93 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2000,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Security Concerns are Reasonable, Spheres of Influence are Not\",\"authors\":\"D. Wei\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2091875\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"On February 24, 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered Russian troops to invade eastern Ukraine to carry out a “special military operation.” This latest war in Russia’s neighborhood recalls its annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its conflict with Georgia in 2008. Many believe that Russia is seeking to establish a sphere of influence in its backyard, with a view toward restoring some of the old influence of various elements of the Soviet Union and the Russian Empire. Since the outbreak of the war, Chinese officials have maintained a delicate balance between recognizing Ukraine’s territorial integrity as a sovereign nation and acknowledging Russia’s security concerns. This tightrope-walking strategy has generated much criticism in the Western world. Do Chinese officials and Chinese scholars support the concept of spheres of influence? Does a certain level of Chinese sympathy and understanding for Russia mean that China supports Russia’s efforts to create spheres of influence around it? As China’s power increases, will China seek spheres of influence in its own neighborhood? This paper lays out preliminary answers to these questions, first by examining the associations of the term “sphere of influence” in Chinese political rhetoric and how this view affects China’s visions of both Asian and global security. Next, I discuss the concept of a “security concern,” a phrase which many Chinese analysts tend to use, and how they view a case like the war in Ukraine through this lens. The essential takeaway here is the wisdom of selfrestraint. It is natural that a powerful country might have security concerns\",\"PeriodicalId\":46957,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Washington Quarterly\",\"volume\":\"45 1\",\"pages\":\"93 - 104\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":1.2000,\"publicationDate\":\"2022-04-03\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Washington Quarterly\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"90\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2091875\",\"RegionNum\":3,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Washington Quarterly","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2091875","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

2022年2月24日,俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京命令俄罗斯军队入侵乌克兰东部,进行“特别军事行动”。这场发生在俄罗斯附近的最新战争让人想起2014年吞并克里米亚和2008年与格鲁吉亚的冲突。许多人认为,俄罗斯正在寻求在其后院建立一个势力范围,以期恢复苏联和俄罗斯帝国各种势力的一些旧影响。自战争爆发以来,中国官员在承认乌克兰作为主权国家的领土完整和承认俄罗斯的安全关切之间保持着微妙的平衡。这种走钢丝的策略在西方世界引起了很多批评。中国官员和学者是否支持势力范围的概念?中国对俄罗斯的某种程度的同情和理解是否意味着中国支持俄罗斯在其周围建立势力范围的努力?随着中国实力的增强,中国会在自己的邻国寻求势力范围吗?本文提出了这些问题的初步答案,首先考察了中国政治言论中“势力范围”一词的关联,以及这种观点如何影响中国对亚洲和全球安全的愿景。接下来,我将讨论“安全问题”的概念,这是许多中国分析人士倾向于使用的一个短语,以及他们如何从这个角度看待乌克兰战争这样的案件。这里最重要的收获是自我克制的智慧。一个强大的国家可能会有安全顾虑,这是很自然的
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
Security Concerns are Reasonable, Spheres of Influence are Not
On February 24, 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered Russian troops to invade eastern Ukraine to carry out a “special military operation.” This latest war in Russia’s neighborhood recalls its annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its conflict with Georgia in 2008. Many believe that Russia is seeking to establish a sphere of influence in its backyard, with a view toward restoring some of the old influence of various elements of the Soviet Union and the Russian Empire. Since the outbreak of the war, Chinese officials have maintained a delicate balance between recognizing Ukraine’s territorial integrity as a sovereign nation and acknowledging Russia’s security concerns. This tightrope-walking strategy has generated much criticism in the Western world. Do Chinese officials and Chinese scholars support the concept of spheres of influence? Does a certain level of Chinese sympathy and understanding for Russia mean that China supports Russia’s efforts to create spheres of influence around it? As China’s power increases, will China seek spheres of influence in its own neighborhood? This paper lays out preliminary answers to these questions, first by examining the associations of the term “sphere of influence” in Chinese political rhetoric and how this view affects China’s visions of both Asian and global security. Next, I discuss the concept of a “security concern,” a phrase which many Chinese analysts tend to use, and how they view a case like the war in Ukraine through this lens. The essential takeaway here is the wisdom of selfrestraint. It is natural that a powerful country might have security concerns
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
CiteScore
2.90
自引率
5.90%
发文量
20
期刊介绍: The Washington Quarterly (TWQ) is a journal of global affairs that analyzes strategic security challenges, changes, and their public policy implications. TWQ is published out of one of the world"s preeminent international policy institutions, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), and addresses topics such as: •The U.S. role in the world •Emerging great powers: Europe, China, Russia, India, and Japan •Regional issues and flashpoints, particularly in the Middle East and Asia •Weapons of mass destruction proliferation and missile defenses •Global perspectives to reduce terrorism Contributors are drawn from outside as well as inside the United States and reflect diverse political, regional, and professional perspectives.
期刊最新文献
A Fragile Equilibrium: Incentivizing Pakistan’s Regional Recalibration Befuddled: How America Can Get Its Voice Back How Putin’s Regime Survivalism Drives Russian Aggression Carbon Time Machine Can South Korea Trust the United States?
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1