日本帝国审查下的“非法”出版资本——《战旗》1930年前后的出版策略

IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Humanities (Basel, Switzerland) Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI:10.3390/h12050089
Young-ran Ko, Nick Ogonek, Kyeong-Hee Choi
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引用次数: 0

摘要

1930年前后,日本出版市场进行了重组,作为这一过程的一部分,殖民地市场在日本帝国内部出现。为了向殖民地市场扩张,Kaizō-sha、Chú333; kō; ron sha和Senki sha等出版商相互竞争,生产与社会主义有关的“合法”和“非法”商品。本文调查了非法商品的流通情况,如经常被禁的杂志《战旗》,并将其与《战旗的出版商》和《全日本无产阶级艺术联合会》的内部文件以及日本内政部和日本驻韩国总政府的文件进行了交叉阅读。通过这样做,文章认为,1930年前后社会主义文化运动的主要参与者有意利用其商品的“非法”性质,同时采取区别于商业资本的公开立场。此外,通过提出非法商品的出版实际上与出版市场上的资本流动紧密交织在一起,本文还揭示了1930年前后日本内陆社会主义者出版的韩语出版物,尤其是《我们的同志》杂志,最终在破坏韩国社会主义重建中发挥了作用。因此,重新考虑关于20世纪20年代末和30年代初日本社会主义运动历史的主流叙事至关重要,这种叙事往往将日本和韩国社会主义者之间的联系视为纯粹的意识形态团结,很少关注1930年前后在日本帝国发生的复杂的合法和非法资本运动。
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Making Capital of ‘Illegal’ Publication under Japanese Imperial Censorship: Publication Strategies of Senki (Battle Flag) around 1930
Around 1930, the Japanese publishing market was restructured, and as part of this process, the colonial market emerged within the Japanese Empire. In an attempt to expand into the colonial market, publishers such as Kaizō-sha, Chūōkōron-sha, and Senki-sha competed among each other, producing ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ commodities related to socialism. This paper examines the circulation of illegal commodities such as the often-banned magazine Senki (Battle Flag), cross-reading them with internal documents from Senki-sha (Senki’s publisher) and NAPF (All-Japan Federation of Proletarian Arts), as well as with those from the Japanese Home Ministry and the Japanese Government-General in Korea. By doing so, the essay argues that the main actors of the socialist cultural movement around 1930 purposefully planned to capitalize on the ‘illegal’ nature of their commodities, while adopting a public stance of differentiation from commercial capital. Furthermore, by proposing that the publication of illegal commodities was in fact deeply imbricated with the movement of capital in the publishing market, this paper also reveals that Korean-language publications–notably, the magazine Uri tongmu (Our Comrades)–produced by socialists in the Japanese interior around 1930, ended up playing a role in undermining the reconstruction of socialism in Korea. For this reason, it is crucial to reconsider the prevailing narrative about the history of the Japanese socialist movement of the late 1920s and early 1930s, which often essentializes the connection between Japanese and Korean socialists as pure ideological solidarity, paying little attention to the complex movement of capital, legal and illegal, at work in the Japanese Empire around 1930.
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