{"title":"北京的银行业气球:新时代中国经济的核心挑战","authors":"Adam Y. Liu","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2023.2223838","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"China’s historic 20 Party Congress in 2022 was principally noteworthy because Xi Jinping successfully secured a third term, but Beijing also tellingly postponed releasing GDP and other key economic statistics during the Congress. This deliberate obfuscation could not conceal that the Chinese economy has been in trouble for quite a while now. Media stories in recent years have increasingly reported on Chinese home buyers refusing to pay mortgages, depositors lining up to retrieve savings, central authorities cracking down on large private firms, and local governments becoming constrained by debt and shrinking revenue. The list goes on. What has gone wrong? While worsening ties with Washington have exacerbated the situation, they’re hardly the underlying reason for China’s economic woes. Nor are President Xi’s policies solely to blame. The root cause, at the deep structural level, lies in what I call the “state-owned market” system that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has built—or ended up with—in the reform era. In this system, the visible hand of the state seeks to both create and hold the invisible hand of the market, a dynamic that has made China’s rapid growth possible, but also sown the seeds of its current economic troubles. Nowhere is this market system more clearly at work than in the country’s gigantic banking sector, which is now the world’s largest. We know that the banking system remains a key pillar of the CCP’s political power. Little known, however, is how the party-state has profoundly transformed it in the reform era. Yet, understanding this transformation is imperative for grasping","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"46 1","pages":"69 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Beijing’s Banking Balloon: China’s Core Economic Challenge in the New Era\",\"authors\":\"Adam Y. Liu\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/0163660X.2023.2223838\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"China’s historic 20 Party Congress in 2022 was principally noteworthy because Xi Jinping successfully secured a third term, but Beijing also tellingly postponed releasing GDP and other key economic statistics during the Congress. This deliberate obfuscation could not conceal that the Chinese economy has been in trouble for quite a while now. Media stories in recent years have increasingly reported on Chinese home buyers refusing to pay mortgages, depositors lining up to retrieve savings, central authorities cracking down on large private firms, and local governments becoming constrained by debt and shrinking revenue. The list goes on. What has gone wrong? While worsening ties with Washington have exacerbated the situation, they’re hardly the underlying reason for China’s economic woes. Nor are President Xi’s policies solely to blame. The root cause, at the deep structural level, lies in what I call the “state-owned market” system that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has built—or ended up with—in the reform era. In this system, the visible hand of the state seeks to both create and hold the invisible hand of the market, a dynamic that has made China’s rapid growth possible, but also sown the seeds of its current economic troubles. Nowhere is this market system more clearly at work than in the country’s gigantic banking sector, which is now the world’s largest. We know that the banking system remains a key pillar of the CCP’s political power. Little known, however, is how the party-state has profoundly transformed it in the reform era. 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Beijing’s Banking Balloon: China’s Core Economic Challenge in the New Era
China’s historic 20 Party Congress in 2022 was principally noteworthy because Xi Jinping successfully secured a third term, but Beijing also tellingly postponed releasing GDP and other key economic statistics during the Congress. This deliberate obfuscation could not conceal that the Chinese economy has been in trouble for quite a while now. Media stories in recent years have increasingly reported on Chinese home buyers refusing to pay mortgages, depositors lining up to retrieve savings, central authorities cracking down on large private firms, and local governments becoming constrained by debt and shrinking revenue. The list goes on. What has gone wrong? While worsening ties with Washington have exacerbated the situation, they’re hardly the underlying reason for China’s economic woes. Nor are President Xi’s policies solely to blame. The root cause, at the deep structural level, lies in what I call the “state-owned market” system that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has built—or ended up with—in the reform era. In this system, the visible hand of the state seeks to both create and hold the invisible hand of the market, a dynamic that has made China’s rapid growth possible, but also sown the seeds of its current economic troubles. Nowhere is this market system more clearly at work than in the country’s gigantic banking sector, which is now the world’s largest. We know that the banking system remains a key pillar of the CCP’s political power. Little known, however, is how the party-state has profoundly transformed it in the reform era. Yet, understanding this transformation is imperative for grasping
期刊介绍:
The Washington Quarterly (TWQ) is a journal of global affairs that analyzes strategic security challenges, changes, and their public policy implications. TWQ is published out of one of the world"s preeminent international policy institutions, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), and addresses topics such as: •The U.S. role in the world •Emerging great powers: Europe, China, Russia, India, and Japan •Regional issues and flashpoints, particularly in the Middle East and Asia •Weapons of mass destruction proliferation and missile defenses •Global perspectives to reduce terrorism Contributors are drawn from outside as well as inside the United States and reflect diverse political, regional, and professional perspectives.