扩大政治边界:冷战前和冷战期间纽约布鲁克林黑人宗教社区的各种声音

Clarence Taylor
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Sugrue argues that anti-Communism during the Cold War \"silenced some of the most powerful critics of the postwar economic and social order. Red-baiting discredited and weakened progressive reform efforts. By the 1950s, unions had purged their leftist members and marginalized a powerful critique of postwar capitalism. McCarthyism also put constraints on liberal critics of capitalism. In the enforced consensus of the postwar era, it became Un-American to criticize business decisions or to interfere with managerial prerogative or to focus on lingering class inequalities in the United States.\"(3)Historian Manning Marable also contends that as the \"Cold War intensified the repression of black progressives increased.\" As an example of the growing repression, Marable notes that the writings of W.E.B. Du Bois were removed from libraries and institutions of higher learning. The result of such politically repressive acts, according to Marable, was that \"black public opinion moved even further to the right.\" Although Marable notes that black ministers and black churches were not monolithic when it came to political ideology, the black church was nevertheless ambiguous when it came to dealing with black liberation.(4)These historians have greatly contributed to our understanding of post World War II black America. They have shed light on the Cold War period and its relationship to African Americans. Sugrue has presented a complex account of the reason for deteriorating inner city conditions, challenging earlier works on the underclass that only look at one variable. In particular, Horne and Marable have given a credible explanation for why some black Americans joined America's Cold War effort to stamp out the left. These historians have challenged an earlier historiography that either ignored the significance of black radicals or simply labeled them as tools of the white left and \"authenticated\" black leaders.(5)This paper attempts to contribute to this literature by examining another important dimension of the black community that receives little attention when discussing the black left. For the most part, Afro-Christianity has not been a focus of scholars when searching for alternative left voices during World War II and the Cold War period. A closer look at Brooklyn, New York strongly suggests that political ideological debate was not absent in the black community. In fact, there were at least three left ideological positions among the black religious community of Brooklyn. Afro-Christian liberalism, closely associated with New Deal liberalism, was one of the most popular ideological positions among the black clergy of Brooklyn. Pastors of some of the largest black churches in the borough embraced Afro-Christian Liberalism. A small but significant contingent of black Christian radicals made up another ideological group. A third group consisted of black Pentecostals. Until recently, scholars examining black Pentecostalism have, for the most part, ignored its political leanings before and after World War II. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

扩大政治边界:冷战前和冷战期间纽约布鲁克林黑人宗教团体的各种声音。研究非裔美国人历史和政治的历史学家认为,冷战时期的歇斯底里和左翼势力的政治压制使黑人左翼边缘化。这种边缘化的结果是消除了一股重要的进步力量,这股力量有可能将美国黑人推向政治的中间偏左。相反,根据这些历史学家的说法,美国黑人几乎没有异议地转向了右翼。例如,著名学者杰拉尔德·霍恩(Gerald Horne)认为,在冷战期间,对黑人激进分子的攻击压制了重要的激进声音。由于激进分子太弱,得不到主流组织的支持,狭隘的黑人民族主义崛起填补了空白。(2)托马斯·j·苏格鲁(Thomas J. Sugrue)认为,冷战期间的反共产主义“使一些对战后经济和社会秩序最有力的批评者噤声”。“红色诱饵”抹黑并削弱了进步改革的努力。到20世纪50年代,工会已经清洗了左翼成员,并将对战后资本主义的强烈批评边缘化。麦卡锡主义还限制了自由主义对资本主义的批评。在战后时代的强制共识中,批评商业决策或干涉管理特权或关注美国挥之不去的阶级不平等,都成为非美国人的行为。(3)历史学家曼宁·马拉布尔还认为,随着“冷战加剧,对黑人进步人士的镇压也在加剧。”作为日益增长的压制的一个例子,马拉博指出,W.E.B.杜波依斯的著作被从图书馆和高等学府中移除。根据马拉布尔的说法,这种政治压制行为的结果是“黑人舆论进一步向右倾斜”。尽管马拉博注意到黑人牧师和黑人教会在政治意识形态方面并非铁面无私,但黑人教会在处理黑人解放问题时仍然是模棱两可的。(4)这些历史学家极大地促进了我们对二战后美国黑人的理解。它们揭示了冷战时期及其与非裔美国人的关系。苏格鲁对城市内部环境恶化的原因提出了复杂的解释,挑战了早期只关注一个变量的下层阶级作品。特别是,霍恩和马拉布尔对为什么一些美国黑人加入美国冷战时期消灭左派的努力给出了可信的解释。这些历史学家对早期的史学提出了挑战,这些史学要么忽视了黑人激进分子的重要性,要么简单地将他们贴上白人左翼和“经过认证的”黑人领袖的工具的标签。(5)本文试图通过研究黑人社区的另一个重要维度来为这一文献做出贡献,而在讨论黑人左翼时,这个维度很少受到关注。在第二次世界大战和冷战时期,在寻找替代左派声音时,非洲基督教在很大程度上并不是学者们关注的焦点。仔细观察一下纽约的布鲁克林,就会强烈地发现,在黑人社区中,政治意识形态的辩论并非缺席。事实上,在布鲁克林的黑人宗教团体中,至少有三种左派的意识形态立场。黑人基督教自由主义与新政自由主义密切相关,是布鲁克林黑人神职人员中最受欢迎的意识形态立场之一。该区一些最大的黑人教堂的牧师信奉非裔基督教自由主义。少数但重要的黑人基督教激进分子组成了另一个意识形态团体。第三组是黑人五旬节派教徒。直到最近,研究黑人五旬节派的学者在很大程度上忽略了二战前后黑人五旬节派的政治倾向。然而,在冷战时期的政治和意识形态辩论中,牧师和他们的教区居民是相当明显的。…
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Expanding the Boundaries of Politics: The Various Voices of the Black Religious Community of Brooklyn, New York before and during the Cold War
Expanding the Boundaries of Politics: The Various Voices of the Black Religious Community of Brooklyn, New York Before and During the Cold War.Historians writing on African-American history and politics have argued that Cold War hysteria and political repression of left forces marginalized the black left. The result of this marginalization was the removal of a serious progressive force that had the potential of moving black America to a left of center politics. Instead, black America, according to these historians, moved to the right with little dissent. Noted scholar Gerald Horne, for example, contends that the attack on black radicals silenced important radical voices during the Cold War. Because radicals were too weak and received little support from mainstream organizations, narrow Black Nationalism rose to fill the void.(2)Thomas J. Sugrue argues that anti-Communism during the Cold War "silenced some of the most powerful critics of the postwar economic and social order. Red-baiting discredited and weakened progressive reform efforts. By the 1950s, unions had purged their leftist members and marginalized a powerful critique of postwar capitalism. McCarthyism also put constraints on liberal critics of capitalism. In the enforced consensus of the postwar era, it became Un-American to criticize business decisions or to interfere with managerial prerogative or to focus on lingering class inequalities in the United States."(3)Historian Manning Marable also contends that as the "Cold War intensified the repression of black progressives increased." As an example of the growing repression, Marable notes that the writings of W.E.B. Du Bois were removed from libraries and institutions of higher learning. The result of such politically repressive acts, according to Marable, was that "black public opinion moved even further to the right." Although Marable notes that black ministers and black churches were not monolithic when it came to political ideology, the black church was nevertheless ambiguous when it came to dealing with black liberation.(4)These historians have greatly contributed to our understanding of post World War II black America. They have shed light on the Cold War period and its relationship to African Americans. Sugrue has presented a complex account of the reason for deteriorating inner city conditions, challenging earlier works on the underclass that only look at one variable. In particular, Horne and Marable have given a credible explanation for why some black Americans joined America's Cold War effort to stamp out the left. These historians have challenged an earlier historiography that either ignored the significance of black radicals or simply labeled them as tools of the white left and "authenticated" black leaders.(5)This paper attempts to contribute to this literature by examining another important dimension of the black community that receives little attention when discussing the black left. For the most part, Afro-Christianity has not been a focus of scholars when searching for alternative left voices during World War II and the Cold War period. A closer look at Brooklyn, New York strongly suggests that political ideological debate was not absent in the black community. In fact, there were at least three left ideological positions among the black religious community of Brooklyn. Afro-Christian liberalism, closely associated with New Deal liberalism, was one of the most popular ideological positions among the black clergy of Brooklyn. Pastors of some of the largest black churches in the borough embraced Afro-Christian Liberalism. A small but significant contingent of black Christian radicals made up another ideological group. A third group consisted of black Pentecostals. Until recently, scholars examining black Pentecostalism have, for the most part, ignored its political leanings before and after World War II. However, the ministers, joined by their parishioners were quite visible in the political and ideological debate of the Cold War period. …
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