The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line, by Roderick D. Bush. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009. 258 pp. Barack Obama's historic election reaffirmed the conundrum of the race in America. On the one hand, it embodied the long-sought convergence of the democratic vision articulated by intellectuals, activists, and citizens comprising the civil rights movement. Inarguably, his election shifted and edified the nature of discourse on history, democracy, race, and power in contemporary America and the international arena. Yet, overwhelmingly Blacks still see race and racism as constitutive of American society. In contrast, many saw Obama's singular achievement as an allegory for an eventual post-racial society in which Blacks are no longer considered inferior and whites are no longer racists. In effect, signaling the long-sought completion of the democratic vision of the movement. In The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line, Roderick D. Bush offers a sophisticated, ambitious, and expansive rebuff to those embracing a vision of racial idealism. Revisiting and grounding his thesis in Dr. W. ?. B. Du Bois' prophetic declaration in The Souls of Black Folks that "the problem of the 20th century is the color line," Bush believes "racism is systemic" and "foundational to the modern-world system (218)" that originated with European colonial expansion and metastasized into global proportions with American and European imperialism during the 20th century. Employing multiple perspectives to examine the Black American experience and its international dimensions, Bush utilizes two differing literatures - world systems analysis and radical black social movement theory to contextualize the tradition of black activism and black radicalism used to confront the racist forces of the capitalist world economy and provide a corrective to global social injustice. In his mind, the civil rights movement encompasses a crucial ideological and political platform within a broader historical continuum in which white liberals, the working class, women, and Black Americans coalesced into an assault on white supremacy and reconfigured global power relations. In the Black intellectual tradition, Bush utilizes a diverse and substantive evidentiary base of historical, theoretical, and secondary literature to construct an authoritative analytical foundation. By embracing a "more sophisticated use of the concept of social time (13)," and interdisciplinary theoretical foundation, Bush expands the periodization of the civil rights movement (and the actors within it) to the nineteenth century, and re-conceptualizes and broadens our understanding of the historic centrality of the civil rights movement, the Black radical tradition, and race-based social movements to the political aspirations of Black Americans and those of the African descent throughout the world. Consequently, he brin
{"title":"The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line","authors":"Cicero M. Fain","doi":"10.5860/choice.47-5959","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.47-5959","url":null,"abstract":"The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line, by Roderick D. Bush. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009. 258 pp. Barack Obama's historic election reaffirmed the conundrum of the race in America. On the one hand, it embodied the long-sought convergence of the democratic vision articulated by intellectuals, activists, and citizens comprising the civil rights movement. Inarguably, his election shifted and edified the nature of discourse on history, democracy, race, and power in contemporary America and the international arena. Yet, overwhelmingly Blacks still see race and racism as constitutive of American society. In contrast, many saw Obama's singular achievement as an allegory for an eventual post-racial society in which Blacks are no longer considered inferior and whites are no longer racists. In effect, signaling the long-sought completion of the democratic vision of the movement. In The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line, Roderick D. Bush offers a sophisticated, ambitious, and expansive rebuff to those embracing a vision of racial idealism. Revisiting and grounding his thesis in Dr. W. ?. B. Du Bois' prophetic declaration in The Souls of Black Folks that \"the problem of the 20th century is the color line,\" Bush believes \"racism is systemic\" and \"foundational to the modern-world system (218)\" that originated with European colonial expansion and metastasized into global proportions with American and European imperialism during the 20th century. Employing multiple perspectives to examine the Black American experience and its international dimensions, Bush utilizes two differing literatures - world systems analysis and radical black social movement theory to contextualize the tradition of black activism and black radicalism used to confront the racist forces of the capitalist world economy and provide a corrective to global social injustice. In his mind, the civil rights movement encompasses a crucial ideological and political platform within a broader historical continuum in which white liberals, the working class, women, and Black Americans coalesced into an assault on white supremacy and reconfigured global power relations. In the Black intellectual tradition, Bush utilizes a diverse and substantive evidentiary base of historical, theoretical, and secondary literature to construct an authoritative analytical foundation. By embracing a \"more sophisticated use of the concept of social time (13),\" and interdisciplinary theoretical foundation, Bush expands the periodization of the civil rights movement (and the actors within it) to the nineteenth century, and re-conceptualizes and broadens our understanding of the historic centrality of the civil rights movement, the Black radical tradition, and race-based social movements to the political aspirations of Black Americans and those of the African descent throughout the world. Consequently, he brin","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"36 1","pages":"124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71129564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When Rochdale Village opened in southeastern Queens in late 1963, it was the largest housing cooperative in the world. When fully occupied its 5,860 apartments contained about 25,000 residents. Rochdale Village was a limited-equity, middle-income cooperative. Its apartments could not be resold for a profit, and with the average per room charges when opened of $21 a month, it was on the low end of the middle-income spectrum. (3) It was laid out as a massive 170 acre superblock development, with no through streets, and only winding pedestrian paths, lined with newly planted trees, crossing a greensward connecting the twenty massive cruciform apartment buildings. Rochdale was a typical urban post-war housing development, in outward appearance differing from most others simply in its size. It was, in a word, wrote historian Joshua Freeman, "nondescript." (4) Appearances deceive. Rochdale Village was unique; the largest experiment in integrated housing in New York City in the 1960s, and very likely the largest such experiment anywhere in the United States (5). It was located in South Jamaica, which by the early 1960s was the third largest black neighborhood in the city. Blacks started to move to South Jamaica in large numbers after World War I, and by 1960 its population was almost entirely African American. It was a neighborhood of considerable income diversity, with the largest tracts of black owned private housing in the city adjacent to some desperate pockets of poverty. In the late 1950s, there was an exodus of at least 25,000 whites from some of the few remaining mixed areas in South Jamaica. (6) Despite that, at least 80% of the original families in Rochdale were white, the overwhelmingly majority of those were of Jewish background. (7) I was a member of one of those Jewish families, and lived in Rochdale from 1964, when I was ten years old, until 1973. Rochdale was not isolated from its surrounding community. School children from Rochdale and the surrounding neighborhoods attended racially balanced schools, and their parents shopped in Rochdale's malls and its cooperative supermarkets, the first in South Jamaica. Historian Joshua Freeman notes, "Rochdale seemed to embody everything the civil rights movement ... called for." (8) This was widely recognized at the time. A lengthy article in the New York Times Magazine in 1966 by the veteran radical journalist Harvey Swados sensitively analyzed the problems and promises of integration in Rochdale, concluding, that Rochdale was providing the largest and most important practical test in New York City, of the dominant question of the era--"could blacks and white live together?" (9) This hope was very much of its time and place. Rochdale Village was one of the most tangible products of a period in New York City's history, from the mid-1950s through the mid-1960, that can be seen, in retrospect, as the apogee of the belief in integration, in theory and in practice. To be sure, support for integration w
1963年底，当罗奇代尔村(Rochdale Village)在皇后区东南部开业时，它是世界上最大的住房合作社。5860套公寓全部住满后，约有2.5万名居民。罗奇代尔村是一个中等收入的有限股权合作社。它的公寓不能转售盈利，开业时每间房的平均收费为每月21美元，处于中等收入范围的低端。它被规划为一个巨大的170英亩的超级街区开发项目，没有直通街道，只有蜿蜒的人行道，两旁种着新种植的树木，穿过一条连接20栋大型十字形公寓楼的绿地。罗奇代尔(Rochdale)是典型的战后城市住宅开发项目，从外观上看，它与大多数其他项目的不同之处在于它的规模。历史学家约书亚·弗里曼(Joshua Freeman)写道，用一句话来说，这是“难以形容的”。外表骗人。罗奇代尔村是独一无二的;这是20世纪60年代纽约市最大的综合住房实验，很可能是美国任何地方最大的此类实验(5)。它位于南牙买加，到20世纪60年代初，这里是该市第三大黑人社区。第一次世界大战后，黑人开始大量迁移到南牙买加，到1960年，那里的人口几乎全部是非裔美国人。这是一个收入相当多样化的社区，拥有该市最大的黑人私人住房，毗邻一些绝望的贫困地区。20世纪50年代末，至少有2.5万名白人从南牙买加少数几个混居地区外逃。尽管如此，罗奇代尔的原始家庭中至少有80%是白人，其中绝大多数都有犹太背景。(7)我就是这样一个犹太家庭的一员，从1964年我十岁起一直住在罗奇代尔，直到1973年。罗奇代尔并不是孤立于周围的社区。罗奇代尔及周边社区的学生就读于种族均衡的学校，他们的父母在罗奇代尔的购物中心及其合作超市购物，这是南牙买加的第一家合作超市。历史学家约书亚·弗里曼(Joshua Freeman)指出:“罗奇代尔似乎体现了民权运动的一切……呼吁。”这在当时是公认的。1966年，资深激进记者哈维·斯瓦多斯(Harvey Swados)在《纽约时报杂志》(New York Times Magazine)上发表了一篇长篇文章，敏锐地分析了罗奇代尔的种族融合问题和前景，得出结论说，罗奇代尔为纽约市提供了规模最大、最重要的实践检验，检验那个时代的主导问题——“黑人和白人能生活在一起吗?”这种希望在当时和当时都很有意义。从20世纪50年代中期到60年代中期，罗奇代尔村是纽约市历史上一段时期最有形的产物之一，回顾起来，这段时期在理论和实践上都是对融合信仰的巅峰时期。诚然，对一体化的支持往往是肤浅和试探性的;反对派往往是有效而顽强的;最终的结果在很多方面都是令人沮丧的贫乏。尽管如此，人们还是出乎意料地达成了广泛的共识，往往是从截然不同的角度出发，得出的结论是，种族融合是可能的、实际的、必要的，是解决这座城市日益加剧的种族紧张关系的最佳途径。最后，高谈阔论和缺乏积极成果之间的不平衡导致了这段乐观时期的结束。由于种种原因，罗奇代尔村是这种模式的一个重要例外，是一体化时代的具体成就。(10)种族融合是20世纪50年代占主导地位的自由主义理想之一，其核心信念是，为了使黑人完全平等地融入美国社会，不同种族的人必须在一起工作、学习、娱乐和生活。因此，它得到了一个广泛而不稳定的联盟的赞扬，其中包括前共产党人、独立左派、新政民主党人和洛克菲勒共和党人，以及一些精明务实的政府官员和企业高管。…
{"title":"Rochdale Village and the Rise and Fall of Integrated Housing in New York City1","authors":"P. Eisenstadt","doi":"10.2307/j.ctt13wzxr4.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt13wzxr4.8","url":null,"abstract":"When Rochdale Village opened in southeastern Queens in late 1963, it was the largest housing cooperative in the world. When fully occupied its 5,860 apartments contained about 25,000 residents. Rochdale Village was a limited-equity, middle-income cooperative. Its apartments could not be resold for a profit, and with the average per room charges when opened of $21 a month, it was on the low end of the middle-income spectrum. (3) It was laid out as a massive 170 acre superblock development, with no through streets, and only winding pedestrian paths, lined with newly planted trees, crossing a greensward connecting the twenty massive cruciform apartment buildings. Rochdale was a typical urban post-war housing development, in outward appearance differing from most others simply in its size. It was, in a word, wrote historian Joshua Freeman, \"nondescript.\" (4) Appearances deceive. Rochdale Village was unique; the largest experiment in integrated housing in New York City in the 1960s, and very likely the largest such experiment anywhere in the United States (5). It was located in South Jamaica, which by the early 1960s was the third largest black neighborhood in the city. Blacks started to move to South Jamaica in large numbers after World War I, and by 1960 its population was almost entirely African American. It was a neighborhood of considerable income diversity, with the largest tracts of black owned private housing in the city adjacent to some desperate pockets of poverty. In the late 1950s, there was an exodus of at least 25,000 whites from some of the few remaining mixed areas in South Jamaica. (6) Despite that, at least 80% of the original families in Rochdale were white, the overwhelmingly majority of those were of Jewish background. (7) I was a member of one of those Jewish families, and lived in Rochdale from 1964, when I was ten years old, until 1973. Rochdale was not isolated from its surrounding community. School children from Rochdale and the surrounding neighborhoods attended racially balanced schools, and their parents shopped in Rochdale's malls and its cooperative supermarkets, the first in South Jamaica. Historian Joshua Freeman notes, \"Rochdale seemed to embody everything the civil rights movement ... called for.\" (8) This was widely recognized at the time. A lengthy article in the New York Times Magazine in 1966 by the veteran radical journalist Harvey Swados sensitively analyzed the problems and promises of integration in Rochdale, concluding, that Rochdale was providing the largest and most important practical test in New York City, of the dominant question of the era--\"could blacks and white live together?\" (9) This hope was very much of its time and place. Rochdale Village was one of the most tangible products of a period in New York City's history, from the mid-1950s through the mid-1960, that can be seen, in retrospect, as the apogee of the belief in integration, in theory and in practice. To be sure, support for integration w","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"31 1","pages":"33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68700857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-07-01DOI: 10.1007/978-1-349-73572-3_18
Clarence Taylor
{"title":"Robert Wagner, Milton Galamison and the Challenge to New York City Liberalism","authors":"Clarence Taylor","doi":"10.1007/978-1-349-73572-3_18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-73572-3_18","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"31 1","pages":"121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50923620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Geoffrey C. Ward, Unforgivable Blackness: The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004, 475 pages, $25.95. Jack Johnson, one of the greatest heavyweight boxers ever, won the heavyweight title from Tommy Burns in Australia in 1908. That the championship bout took place in Australia indicates that it was not a fight that most Americans welcomed. All previous heavyweight champions, including John L. Sullivan, Jim Jeffries, and even Tommy Burns, had for quite a long time, adopted the policy of not fighting Black men. But Burns eventually broke the rule because of newspaper taunts that he was afraid of Jack Johnson. Moreover, because Burns was always after money, the fight took place, and Johnson easily won. According to many sources, after the fight, as African Americans euphorically rejoiced (because to them, Johnson's victory was proof that Black people were equal to white persons, if nowhere else, then at least in the ring), more than 26 of the rejoicers were killed by whites, and hundreds more were reported hurt in many places throughout the United States, but mostly in the South. This could not have been unexpected because, between 1900 and the time that Johnson won the heavyweight championship in 1908, more than 700 negroes had been lynched in the United States. Black men were lynched for being too uppity, being too familiar with white women, and on the trumped up charge of rape. Jack Johnson was never charged with rape, but unlike most Black men, he was certainly uppity and familiar with white women. Unforgivable Blackness details all of Johnson's fights on his way to the heavyweight championship. It's a story of an odyssey, a testimony to Johnson's dedication and single-mindedness in his quest for a championship that he thought would rid him of bigotry and provide for him a good and stable life. It is also a story of the intractableness of racism, and its hideous effects throughout all of American society. Most of the participants and characters in Johnson's life are prime examples of the deformities and racist rage resulting from the prejudice against anyone who defies racist laws and conventions, and who seeks to live as a free person in a free country. And in this rich tale of lying, cheating, and perversion of the laws, not only were individuals involved, but also state governments, well-respected persons in high society and officials of the federal government. It is interesting that throughout Johnson's life he always seemed to have been the victim of bad timing. He was born March 31, 1878 in Galveston, TX, as Arthur John Johnson, the son of former slaves. His father had fought in the Civil War on the Union side, and expected some consideration for his efforts. But such considerations were hard to come by after 1876. In fact, by 1876 the Republican Party and the North essentially abandoned efforts to improve the lot of Black people in the South, leaving them at the mercy of terrorist societies and a vengeful legal s
杰弗里·c·沃德，《不可饶恕的黑暗:杰克·约翰逊的兴衰》。纽约:Alfred A. Knopf出版社，2004,475页，25.95美元。杰克·约翰逊是有史以来最伟大的重量级拳击手之一，1908年在澳大利亚从汤米·伯恩斯手中赢得了重量级冠军。这场冠军赛在澳大利亚举行表明，这不是一场大多数美国人欢迎的比赛。所有以前的重量级冠军，包括约翰·l·沙利文，吉姆·杰弗里斯，甚至汤米·伯恩斯，在相当长的一段时间里，都采取了不与黑人战斗的政策。但伯恩斯最终违反了规定，因为报纸嘲讽他害怕杰克·约翰逊。此外，因为伯恩斯总是追求金钱，所以这场战斗发生了，约翰逊轻松获胜。根据许多消息来源，在战斗结束后，当非裔美国人欢欣鼓舞时(因为对他们来说，约翰逊的胜利证明了黑人与白人是平等的，如果在其他地方，至少在拳击场上)，超过26名欢呼者被白人杀害，据报道，在美国各地，有数百人受伤，但主要在南方。这并不出人意料，因为从1900年到约翰逊1908年赢得重量级拳击冠军，美国已有700多名黑人被处以私刑。黑人男性因为太傲慢，太熟悉白人女性，以及捏造的强奸指控而被处以私刑。杰克·约翰逊从未被指控犯有强奸罪，但与大多数黑人男性不同的是，他肯定很傲慢，对白人女性也很熟悉。《不可原谅的黑暗》详细描述了约翰逊在通往重量级冠军的道路上的所有战斗。这是一个奥德赛的故事，是约翰逊一心一意追求总冠军的见证，他认为总冠军能让他摆脱偏执，让他过上美好而稳定的生活。这也是一个关于种族主义顽固不化及其对整个美国社会的可怕影响的故事。约翰逊生活中的大多数参与者和人物都是畸形和种族主义愤怒的典型例子，这些畸形和种族主义愤怒源于对任何蔑视种族主义法律和习俗的人的偏见，以及对那些寻求在自由国家中作为自由的人生活的人的偏见。在这个谎言、欺骗和歪曲法律的丰富故事中，不仅涉及个人，还涉及州政府、上流社会中受人尊敬的人以及联邦政府的官员。有趣的是，在约翰逊的一生中，他似乎总是成为时机不佳的受害者。他于1878年3月31日出生在德克萨斯州的加尔维斯顿，原名亚瑟·约翰·约翰逊，是前奴隶的儿子。他的父亲曾在南北战争中站在联邦一边，希望他的努力能得到一些考虑。但在1876年之后，这种考虑就很难实现了。事实上，到1876年，共和党和北方基本上放弃了改善南方黑人命运的努力，让他们任由恐怖主义社会和复仇的法律体系摆布。约翰逊一家和其他许多人一样，只能自谋生路。但杰克·约翰逊从小就下定决心，不管后果如何，他都不会被白人告诉该怎么做。在他十几岁的时候，他选择了拳击作为他的职业，当他登上拳击的阶梯时，他从未在偏见面前退缩，他说在他的一生中，他打算表现得好像种族偏见不存在一样。这是一种与事实背道而驰的态度，因为除了对那些敢于与白人妇女交往的黑人男子自动处以私刑之外，当时获胜的黑人骑师还被禁止参加肯塔基赛马比赛;甚至在自行车比赛中，最好的骑手，非裔美国人马歇尔·泰勒也被禁止参赛。但约翰逊相信，只要他做得出色，他就能如愿以偿。即使白人重量级冠军不会和他比赛，但如果钱够多，有些白人会和他比赛。…
{"title":"Unforgivable Blackness: The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson","authors":"John C. Walter","doi":"10.5860/choice.42-4096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.42-4096","url":null,"abstract":"Geoffrey C. Ward, Unforgivable Blackness: The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004, 475 pages, $25.95. Jack Johnson, one of the greatest heavyweight boxers ever, won the heavyweight title from Tommy Burns in Australia in 1908. That the championship bout took place in Australia indicates that it was not a fight that most Americans welcomed. All previous heavyweight champions, including John L. Sullivan, Jim Jeffries, and even Tommy Burns, had for quite a long time, adopted the policy of not fighting Black men. But Burns eventually broke the rule because of newspaper taunts that he was afraid of Jack Johnson. Moreover, because Burns was always after money, the fight took place, and Johnson easily won. According to many sources, after the fight, as African Americans euphorically rejoiced (because to them, Johnson's victory was proof that Black people were equal to white persons, if nowhere else, then at least in the ring), more than 26 of the rejoicers were killed by whites, and hundreds more were reported hurt in many places throughout the United States, but mostly in the South. This could not have been unexpected because, between 1900 and the time that Johnson won the heavyweight championship in 1908, more than 700 negroes had been lynched in the United States. Black men were lynched for being too uppity, being too familiar with white women, and on the trumped up charge of rape. Jack Johnson was never charged with rape, but unlike most Black men, he was certainly uppity and familiar with white women. Unforgivable Blackness details all of Johnson's fights on his way to the heavyweight championship. It's a story of an odyssey, a testimony to Johnson's dedication and single-mindedness in his quest for a championship that he thought would rid him of bigotry and provide for him a good and stable life. It is also a story of the intractableness of racism, and its hideous effects throughout all of American society. Most of the participants and characters in Johnson's life are prime examples of the deformities and racist rage resulting from the prejudice against anyone who defies racist laws and conventions, and who seeks to live as a free person in a free country. And in this rich tale of lying, cheating, and perversion of the laws, not only were individuals involved, but also state governments, well-respected persons in high society and officials of the federal government. It is interesting that throughout Johnson's life he always seemed to have been the victim of bad timing. He was born March 31, 1878 in Galveston, TX, as Arthur John Johnson, the son of former slaves. His father had fought in the Civil War on the Union side, and expected some consideration for his efforts. But such considerations were hard to come by after 1876. In fact, by 1876 the Republican Party and the North essentially abandoned efforts to improve the lot of Black people in the South, leaving them at the mercy of terrorist societies and a vengeful legal s","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"31 1","pages":"122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71105670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Carol Faulkner, Women's Radical Reconstruction: The Freedmen's Aid Movement. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004. Carol Faulkner has placed women in the center of Reconstruction in this well-crafted book. She demonstrates the origins of women's political culture in debates over freedmen's relief and suggests how militant white and black female reformers clashed with male advocates of free labor ideology. Abolitionist feminists, suggests Faulkner, placed the immediate needs of destitute freedpeople over the Republican Party's ideological concerns. Working closely with recently freed slaves, white and black women were continually frustrated by the lack of support for relief, land reform, and reparations that they viewed as just. This militant stance was stymied by a male political culture that debased female reform and sought to prevent black "dependence" on the federal government Women's vision of freedom, it seems, differed from men's and we are indebted to Faulkner for illuminating this dynamic. By examining the activism of middle-class African-American reformers, Faulkner also demonstrates the crucial role black women played in Reconstruction. In many ways these activist women had more in common with their white counterparts than the freedwomen whose suffering they sought to alleviate. During the Civil War, for example, abolitionist and former slave Harriet Jacobs worked closely with Julia Wilbur, a white reformer from Rochester, to urge the government to materially aid slave refugees. Their efforts met considerable resistance from the military who feared the dependency of freedpeople. Even abolitionist men, who had long supported women's rights, sought to marginalize female reformers such as Jacobs and Wilbur. Faulkner suggests these Republican men saw an opportunity to gain a new respectability and did so by asserting "manhood rights" and denigrating feminine styles of reform. To foster independence among freedpeople freedmen's aid societies advocated education among former slaves. Although this was a departure from the direct relief and land reform many female reformers viewed as crucial to the survival of freedpeople, they also viewed education as an opportunity to support themselves and become central players in Reconstruction. Faulkner thoroughly dispels the myth of the "Yankee schoolmarm" by describing the work northern teachers, black and white, carried out in the South. Indeed it was women who kept the freedmen's schools going as white northern support waned after 1870 and southern legislatures failed to support public education for African Americans. Faulkner's focus on the work of African-American women in education during this early period is particularly welcome as it helps explain the roots of the powerful black women's club movement of the late nineteenth century. Teachers such as Charlotte Forten, from a prominent free black family in Philadelphia, served as mediators between freedpeople and northern reformers.
{"title":"Women's Radical Reconstruction: The Freedmen's Aid Movement","authors":"V. Wolcott","doi":"10.5860/choice.41-6724","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-6724","url":null,"abstract":"Carol Faulkner, Women's Radical Reconstruction: The Freedmen's Aid Movement. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004. Carol Faulkner has placed women in the center of Reconstruction in this well-crafted book. She demonstrates the origins of women's political culture in debates over freedmen's relief and suggests how militant white and black female reformers clashed with male advocates of free labor ideology. Abolitionist feminists, suggests Faulkner, placed the immediate needs of destitute freedpeople over the Republican Party's ideological concerns. Working closely with recently freed slaves, white and black women were continually frustrated by the lack of support for relief, land reform, and reparations that they viewed as just. This militant stance was stymied by a male political culture that debased female reform and sought to prevent black \"dependence\" on the federal government Women's vision of freedom, it seems, differed from men's and we are indebted to Faulkner for illuminating this dynamic. By examining the activism of middle-class African-American reformers, Faulkner also demonstrates the crucial role black women played in Reconstruction. In many ways these activist women had more in common with their white counterparts than the freedwomen whose suffering they sought to alleviate. During the Civil War, for example, abolitionist and former slave Harriet Jacobs worked closely with Julia Wilbur, a white reformer from Rochester, to urge the government to materially aid slave refugees. Their efforts met considerable resistance from the military who feared the dependency of freedpeople. Even abolitionist men, who had long supported women's rights, sought to marginalize female reformers such as Jacobs and Wilbur. Faulkner suggests these Republican men saw an opportunity to gain a new respectability and did so by asserting \"manhood rights\" and denigrating feminine styles of reform. To foster independence among freedpeople freedmen's aid societies advocated education among former slaves. Although this was a departure from the direct relief and land reform many female reformers viewed as crucial to the survival of freedpeople, they also viewed education as an opportunity to support themselves and become central players in Reconstruction. Faulkner thoroughly dispels the myth of the \"Yankee schoolmarm\" by describing the work northern teachers, black and white, carried out in the South. Indeed it was women who kept the freedmen's schools going as white northern support waned after 1870 and southern legislatures failed to support public education for African Americans. Faulkner's focus on the work of African-American women in education during this early period is particularly welcome as it helps explain the roots of the powerful black women's club movement of the late nineteenth century. Teachers such as Charlotte Forten, from a prominent free black family in Philadelphia, served as mediators between freedpeople and northern reformers. ","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"111 1","pages":"113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71101732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1999. Pp. ix, 322.Originating from a session at the 1994 Southern Historical Association, Antislavery Violence addresses the use of violence by slaves and abolitionists during the antebellum period. Inspired by earlier studies such as Herbert Aptheker's 1943 American Negro Slave Revolts, the book asserts that antislavery violence united black and white enemies of the system, and lay deep in American History and culture (2). Divided into two parts, the first five essays address slave revolts, and self defense by fugitive slaves and free blacks. The remaining five essays discuss antislavery violence and rhetoric by white abolitionists. The result is a book that presents a picture of an antislavery movement that was fought on various fronts and emphasized interracial cooperation, self-defense, and necessary violence to defeat slavery.Antislavery Violence dispels any myths about slave passivity by shrewdly beginning with the discussion of slave rebellions. Douglas R. Egerton's essay affirms that the 1791 Slave Rebellion in Saint Domingue inspired a series of rebellions in Virginia, culminating in the infamous slave rebellion in 1800 led by the slave Gabriel. "For black Virginians, determined to fulfill the egalitarian promise of the American Revolution," states Egerton, "the news from the Caribbean reminded them that if they dared, the death of slavery might be within their reach (41). Edgerton vividly recalls details of Gabriel's rebellion from its plot to kidnap then Governor James Monroe and the Virginia state legislature to his capture, trial, and execution.Junius Rodriguez examines the dramatic but rarely mentioned 1811 Louisiana Slave Rebellion. Led by mulatto slave driver Charles Deslondes, a group of slaves numbering 180 to 500 rebelled and destroyed several plantations along the Mississippi River 40 miles below New Orleans. Fearing an attack of the city, U.S. troops were dispatched and brutally suppressed the rebellion. Two whites and a slave were killed in the rebellion, whereupon U.S. troops and executions resulted in 150 rebels dead. Once again, the 1791 Saint Domingue revolt is mentioned as a motivating factor for the rebellion: "Ideas of rebellion, imported from Santo Domingo, inspired slaves who rose in rebellion (82)."Carol Wilson's essay discusses the assertive role Northern free blacks and fugitive slaves took to protect themselves from slaveholders emboldened by the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law. Free blacks in Philadelphia, New York, and Boston formed vigilance committees that used the law and, if necessary, violence to prevent kidnappings. Fugitive slaves confronted by pursuing masters and the law used violence to prevent their return to slavery. One example mentioned is the 1851 Christiana (Pa.) Riot, where a group of fugitive slaves and their defenders violently clashed and killed their former master. …
诺克斯维尔:田纳西大学出版社，1999。第9页，322页。《反奴隶制暴力》源于1994年南方历史协会的一次会议，旨在解决南北战争前奴隶和废奴主义者使用暴力的问题。这本书受到早期研究的启发，如赫伯特·阿普塞克的《1943年美国黑人奴隶起义》，书中断言，反奴隶制的暴力团结了黑人和白人的制度敌人，并深深植根于美国的历史和文化(2)。分为两个部分，前五篇文章讨论了奴隶起义，以及逃亡奴隶和自由黑人的自卫。剩下的五篇文章讨论了白人废奴主义者的反奴隶制暴力和修辞。其结果是，这本书描绘了在各种战线上进行的反奴隶制运动，强调了种族间的合作、自卫和必要的暴力。《反奴隶制暴力》通过对奴隶叛乱的讨论，巧妙地消除了关于奴隶被动的任何神话。道格拉斯·r·埃格顿(Douglas R. Egerton)的文章肯定，1791年圣多明各的奴隶叛乱激发了弗吉尼亚州的一系列叛乱，最终以1800年由奴隶加布里埃尔(Gabriel)领导的臭名昭著的奴隶叛乱告终。“对于弗吉尼亚的黑人来说，他们决心实现美国独立战争中平等主义的承诺，”埃格顿说，“来自加勒比海的消息提醒他们，如果他们敢于这样做，奴隶制的灭亡可能就在他们触手可及的范围之内。”埃杰顿生动地回忆起加布里埃尔叛乱的细节，从绑架当时的州长詹姆斯·门罗和弗吉尼亚州立法机关，到他的被捕、审判和处决。朱尼厄斯·罗德里格斯研究了戏剧性但很少被提及的1811年路易斯安那州奴隶起义。在混血儿奴隶主查尔斯·德斯朗德斯的带领下，一群180到500人的奴隶起义，摧毁了新奥尔良以南40英里的密西西比河沿岸的几处种植园。由于担心城市受到攻击，美国军队被派遣并残酷镇压了叛乱。两名白人和一名奴隶在叛乱中被杀，随后美国军队和处决导致150名叛乱分子死亡。1791年的圣多明各起义再次被认为是这次起义的一个激励因素:“从圣多明各传入的反叛思想激励了起义的奴隶(82)。”卡罗尔·威尔逊的文章讨论了北方自由黑人和逃亡奴隶为保护自己免受1850年《逃亡奴隶法》所鼓舞的奴隶主的侵害所扮演的坚定角色。费城、纽约和波士顿的自由黑人组成了警惕性委员会，使用法律，必要时使用暴力来防止绑架。逃亡的奴隶面对追捕他们的主人和法律，使用暴力来阻止他们重新成为奴隶。提到的一个例子是1851年的克里斯蒂安娜(宾夕法尼亚州)。暴乱，一群逃亡的奴隶和他们的捍卫者发生暴力冲突，杀死了他们的前主人。…
{"title":"John R. McKivigan and Stanley Harrold, Editors. Antislavery Violence: Sectional Racial and Cultural Conflict in Antebellum America","authors":"O. Williams","doi":"10.1086/ahr/106.1.172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/106.1.172","url":null,"abstract":"Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1999. Pp. ix, 322.Originating from a session at the 1994 Southern Historical Association, Antislavery Violence addresses the use of violence by slaves and abolitionists during the antebellum period. Inspired by earlier studies such as Herbert Aptheker's 1943 American Negro Slave Revolts, the book asserts that antislavery violence united black and white enemies of the system, and lay deep in American History and culture (2). Divided into two parts, the first five essays address slave revolts, and self defense by fugitive slaves and free blacks. The remaining five essays discuss antislavery violence and rhetoric by white abolitionists. The result is a book that presents a picture of an antislavery movement that was fought on various fronts and emphasized interracial cooperation, self-defense, and necessary violence to defeat slavery.Antislavery Violence dispels any myths about slave passivity by shrewdly beginning with the discussion of slave rebellions. Douglas R. Egerton's essay affirms that the 1791 Slave Rebellion in Saint Domingue inspired a series of rebellions in Virginia, culminating in the infamous slave rebellion in 1800 led by the slave Gabriel. \"For black Virginians, determined to fulfill the egalitarian promise of the American Revolution,\" states Egerton, \"the news from the Caribbean reminded them that if they dared, the death of slavery might be within their reach (41). Edgerton vividly recalls details of Gabriel's rebellion from its plot to kidnap then Governor James Monroe and the Virginia state legislature to his capture, trial, and execution.Junius Rodriguez examines the dramatic but rarely mentioned 1811 Louisiana Slave Rebellion. Led by mulatto slave driver Charles Deslondes, a group of slaves numbering 180 to 500 rebelled and destroyed several plantations along the Mississippi River 40 miles below New Orleans. Fearing an attack of the city, U.S. troops were dispatched and brutally suppressed the rebellion. Two whites and a slave were killed in the rebellion, whereupon U.S. troops and executions resulted in 150 rebels dead. Once again, the 1791 Saint Domingue revolt is mentioned as a motivating factor for the rebellion: \"Ideas of rebellion, imported from Santo Domingo, inspired slaves who rose in rebellion (82).\"Carol Wilson's essay discusses the assertive role Northern free blacks and fugitive slaves took to protect themselves from slaveholders emboldened by the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law. Free blacks in Philadelphia, New York, and Boston formed vigilance committees that used the law and, if necessary, violence to prevent kidnappings. Fugitive slaves confronted by pursuing masters and the law used violence to prevent their return to slavery. One example mentioned is the 1851 Christiana (Pa.) Riot, where a group of fugitive slaves and their defenders violently clashed and killed their former master. …","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"27 1","pages":"115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/ahr/106.1.172","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60733347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Expanding the Boundaries of Politics: The Various Voices of the Black Religious Community of Brooklyn, New York Before and During the Cold War.Historians writing on African-American history and politics have argued that Cold War hysteria and political repression of left forces marginalized the black left. The result of this marginalization was the removal of a serious progressive force that had the potential of moving black America to a left of center politics. Instead, black America, according to these historians, moved to the right with little dissent. Noted scholar Gerald Horne, for example, contends that the attack on black radicals silenced important radical voices during the Cold War. Because radicals were too weak and received little support from mainstream organizations, narrow Black Nationalism rose to fill the void.(2)Thomas J. Sugrue argues that anti-Communism during the Cold War "silenced some of the most powerful critics of the postwar economic and social order. Red-baiting discredited and weakened progressive reform efforts. By the 1950s, unions had purged their leftist members and marginalized a powerful critique of postwar capitalism. McCarthyism also put constraints on liberal critics of capitalism. In the enforced consensus of the postwar era, it became Un-American to criticize business decisions or to interfere with managerial prerogative or to focus on lingering class inequalities in the United States."(3)Historian Manning Marable also contends that as the "Cold War intensified the repression of black progressives increased." As an example of the growing repression, Marable notes that the writings of W.E.B. Du Bois were removed from libraries and institutions of higher learning. The result of such politically repressive acts, according to Marable, was that "black public opinion moved even further to the right." Although Marable notes that black ministers and black churches were not monolithic when it came to political ideology, the black church was nevertheless ambiguous when it came to dealing with black liberation.(4)These historians have greatly contributed to our understanding of post World War II black America. They have shed light on the Cold War period and its relationship to African Americans. Sugrue has presented a complex account of the reason for deteriorating inner city conditions, challenging earlier works on the underclass that only look at one variable. In particular, Horne and Marable have given a credible explanation for why some black Americans joined America's Cold War effort to stamp out the left. These historians have challenged an earlier historiography that either ignored the significance of black radicals or simply labeled them as tools of the white left and "authenticated" black leaders.(5)This paper attempts to contribute to this literature by examining another important dimension of the black community that receives little attention when discussing the black left. For the most part, Afro-Christianity
扩大政治边界:冷战前和冷战期间纽约布鲁克林黑人宗教团体的各种声音。研究非裔美国人历史和政治的历史学家认为，冷战时期的歇斯底里和左翼势力的政治压制使黑人左翼边缘化。这种边缘化的结果是消除了一股重要的进步力量，这股力量有可能将美国黑人推向政治的中间偏左。相反，根据这些历史学家的说法，美国黑人几乎没有异议地转向了右翼。例如，著名学者杰拉尔德·霍恩(Gerald Horne)认为，在冷战期间，对黑人激进分子的攻击压制了重要的激进声音。由于激进分子太弱，得不到主流组织的支持，狭隘的黑人民族主义崛起填补了空白。(2)托马斯·j·苏格鲁(Thomas J. Sugrue)认为，冷战期间的反共产主义“使一些对战后经济和社会秩序最有力的批评者噤声”。“红色诱饵”抹黑并削弱了进步改革的努力。到20世纪50年代，工会已经清洗了左翼成员，并将对战后资本主义的强烈批评边缘化。麦卡锡主义还限制了自由主义对资本主义的批评。在战后时代的强制共识中，批评商业决策或干涉管理特权或关注美国挥之不去的阶级不平等，都成为非美国人的行为。(3)历史学家曼宁·马拉布尔还认为，随着“冷战加剧，对黑人进步人士的镇压也在加剧。”作为日益增长的压制的一个例子，马拉博指出，W.E.B.杜波依斯的著作被从图书馆和高等学府中移除。根据马拉布尔的说法，这种政治压制行为的结果是“黑人舆论进一步向右倾斜”。尽管马拉博注意到黑人牧师和黑人教会在政治意识形态方面并非铁面无私，但黑人教会在处理黑人解放问题时仍然是模棱两可的。(4)这些历史学家极大地促进了我们对二战后美国黑人的理解。它们揭示了冷战时期及其与非裔美国人的关系。苏格鲁对城市内部环境恶化的原因提出了复杂的解释，挑战了早期只关注一个变量的下层阶级作品。特别是，霍恩和马拉布尔对为什么一些美国黑人加入美国冷战时期消灭左派的努力给出了可信的解释。这些历史学家对早期的史学提出了挑战，这些史学要么忽视了黑人激进分子的重要性，要么简单地将他们贴上白人左翼和“经过认证的”黑人领袖的工具的标签。(5)本文试图通过研究黑人社区的另一个重要维度来为这一文献做出贡献，而在讨论黑人左翼时，这个维度很少受到关注。在第二次世界大战和冷战时期，在寻找替代左派声音时，非洲基督教在很大程度上并不是学者们关注的焦点。仔细观察一下纽约的布鲁克林，就会强烈地发现，在黑人社区中，政治意识形态的辩论并非缺席。事实上，在布鲁克林的黑人宗教团体中，至少有三种左派的意识形态立场。黑人基督教自由主义与新政自由主义密切相关，是布鲁克林黑人神职人员中最受欢迎的意识形态立场之一。该区一些最大的黑人教堂的牧师信奉非裔基督教自由主义。少数但重要的黑人基督教激进分子组成了另一个意识形态团体。第三组是黑人五旬节派教徒。直到最近，研究黑人五旬节派的学者在很大程度上忽略了二战前后黑人五旬节派的政治倾向。然而，在冷战时期的政治和意识形态辩论中，牧师和他们的教区居民是相当明显的。…
{"title":"Expanding the Boundaries of Politics: The Various Voices of the Black Religious Community of Brooklyn, New York before and during the Cold War","authors":"Clarence Taylor","doi":"10.4324/9780203616635-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203616635-6","url":null,"abstract":"Expanding the Boundaries of Politics: The Various Voices of the Black Religious Community of Brooklyn, New York Before and During the Cold War.Historians writing on African-American history and politics have argued that Cold War hysteria and political repression of left forces marginalized the black left. The result of this marginalization was the removal of a serious progressive force that had the potential of moving black America to a left of center politics. Instead, black America, according to these historians, moved to the right with little dissent. Noted scholar Gerald Horne, for example, contends that the attack on black radicals silenced important radical voices during the Cold War. Because radicals were too weak and received little support from mainstream organizations, narrow Black Nationalism rose to fill the void.(2)Thomas J. Sugrue argues that anti-Communism during the Cold War \"silenced some of the most powerful critics of the postwar economic and social order. Red-baiting discredited and weakened progressive reform efforts. By the 1950s, unions had purged their leftist members and marginalized a powerful critique of postwar capitalism. McCarthyism also put constraints on liberal critics of capitalism. In the enforced consensus of the postwar era, it became Un-American to criticize business decisions or to interfere with managerial prerogative or to focus on lingering class inequalities in the United States.\"(3)Historian Manning Marable also contends that as the \"Cold War intensified the repression of black progressives increased.\" As an example of the growing repression, Marable notes that the writings of W.E.B. Du Bois were removed from libraries and institutions of higher learning. The result of such politically repressive acts, according to Marable, was that \"black public opinion moved even further to the right.\" Although Marable notes that black ministers and black churches were not monolithic when it came to political ideology, the black church was nevertheless ambiguous when it came to dealing with black liberation.(4)These historians have greatly contributed to our understanding of post World War II black America. They have shed light on the Cold War period and its relationship to African Americans. Sugrue has presented a complex account of the reason for deteriorating inner city conditions, challenging earlier works on the underclass that only look at one variable. In particular, Horne and Marable have given a credible explanation for why some black Americans joined America's Cold War effort to stamp out the left. These historians have challenged an earlier historiography that either ignored the significance of black radicals or simply labeled them as tools of the white left and \"authenticated\" black leaders.(5)This paper attempts to contribute to this literature by examining another important dimension of the black community that receives little attention when discussing the black left. For the most part, Afro-Christianity","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"24 1","pages":"63"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70589368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"William Seraile, Voice of Dissent: Theophilus Gould Steward (1843-1924) and Black America","authors":"Henry Gilford","doi":"10.5860/choice.30-1154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.30-1154","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"18 1","pages":"60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71041235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Jacqueline Goggin, Carter G. Woodson: A Life in Black History","authors":"Vernon J. Williams","doi":"10.1086/ahr/100.1.246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/100.1.246","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"18 1","pages":"59"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/ahr/100.1.246","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60732905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Charles Green and Basil Wilson, The Struggle for Black Empowerment in New York City: Beyond the Politics of PigmentationNew York City politics have always been byzantine. African American politics in the nation's most populous city have been even more complicated. Throughout the city's history, black people have been consistently discriminated against and excluded. Current events notwithstanding, violence has been inflicted on the Black community in an alarmingly consistent pattern throughout the course of the city's existence. The most difficult task for Afro-Americans in New York City has been the attainment of political power: either to redress past discriminations or improve their community. Kept under the control of various paternalistic coalitions of white ethnic groups, few African Americans were able to capture any positions of real power. Those matters changed somewhat in the 1930s and even more dramatically in the 1950s and 60s especially in the presence of Adam Clayton Powell. But the institutionalization of racism of those times was deeply embedded, even more so than in the overtly segregationist South. While the Civil Rights Movement destroyed "jim crow" and led to legislation that transformed the South, in New York City African American politics remained under the supervision of ethnic coalitions formed in the Thirties and Forties. Part of the problem has been the inability of Blacks to form coalitions with other disenfranchised groups such as the large and diverse Hispanic population. Then too there has been tensions within the Black community between Afro-Americans and Afro-Caribbeans.Much of that appears to have changed now that the city has elected its first Black mayor, David Dinkins. Charles Green and Basil Wilson's book came out before the election took place but much of the foregoing comments are covered by them in a readable and informative way. The strength of this book lies in its timeliness. Unfortunately it is also a weakness. The perspective and ground on which this volume stands is one of current affairs and, given the rapid changes taking place today in the Black community, a book such as this can quickly become dated. Nonetheless, there are two areas that deserve serious attention: the first being the analytic framework within which the authors dissect the political history of New York City. Green and Wilson see three periods of white ethnic hegemony: Irish Hegemony (1880-1932), Ethnic Symmetry (Irish, Jews and Italians, 1933-76), and White Backlash (1977-1989). With the election of David Dinkins, one could say that a Period of Coalition is under way but that remains to be seen. The typology that Green and Wilson present is very useful for understanding the labyrinthine politics of the city. Indeed one wishes for more description and depth but the authors were apparently aiming for timeliness rather than thoroughness. That unfortunately prevented them from making some useful and pertinent analyses of why the state o
{"title":"Charles Green and Basil Wilson, the Struggle for Black Empowerment in New York City: Beyond the Politics of Pigmentation","authors":"C. Banner-Haley","doi":"10.5860/choice.27-0488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-0488","url":null,"abstract":"Charles Green and Basil Wilson, The Struggle for Black Empowerment in New York City: Beyond the Politics of PigmentationNew York City politics have always been byzantine. African American politics in the nation's most populous city have been even more complicated. Throughout the city's history, black people have been consistently discriminated against and excluded. Current events notwithstanding, violence has been inflicted on the Black community in an alarmingly consistent pattern throughout the course of the city's existence. The most difficult task for Afro-Americans in New York City has been the attainment of political power: either to redress past discriminations or improve their community. Kept under the control of various paternalistic coalitions of white ethnic groups, few African Americans were able to capture any positions of real power. Those matters changed somewhat in the 1930s and even more dramatically in the 1950s and 60s especially in the presence of Adam Clayton Powell. But the institutionalization of racism of those times was deeply embedded, even more so than in the overtly segregationist South. While the Civil Rights Movement destroyed \"jim crow\" and led to legislation that transformed the South, in New York City African American politics remained under the supervision of ethnic coalitions formed in the Thirties and Forties. Part of the problem has been the inability of Blacks to form coalitions with other disenfranchised groups such as the large and diverse Hispanic population. Then too there has been tensions within the Black community between Afro-Americans and Afro-Caribbeans.Much of that appears to have changed now that the city has elected its first Black mayor, David Dinkins. Charles Green and Basil Wilson's book came out before the election took place but much of the foregoing comments are covered by them in a readable and informative way. The strength of this book lies in its timeliness. Unfortunately it is also a weakness. The perspective and ground on which this volume stands is one of current affairs and, given the rapid changes taking place today in the Black community, a book such as this can quickly become dated. Nonetheless, there are two areas that deserve serious attention: the first being the analytic framework within which the authors dissect the political history of New York City. Green and Wilson see three periods of white ethnic hegemony: Irish Hegemony (1880-1932), Ethnic Symmetry (Irish, Jews and Italians, 1933-76), and White Backlash (1977-1989). With the election of David Dinkins, one could say that a Period of Coalition is under way but that remains to be seen. The typology that Green and Wilson present is very useful for understanding the labyrinthine politics of the city. Indeed one wishes for more description and depth but the authors were apparently aiming for timeliness rather than thoroughness. That unfortunately prevented them from making some useful and pertinent analyses of why the state o","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":"15 1","pages":"83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71033286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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