{"title":"From Indomania to Indophobia: Thomas De Quincey’s Providential Orientalism","authors":"D. S. Roberts","doi":"10.1163/9789401207393_007","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Thomas De Quincey’s terrifying oriental nightmares, reported to sensational acclaim in his Confessions of an English Opium-Eater (1821), have become a touchstone of romantic imperialism in recent studies of the literature of the period (Leask 1991; Barrell 1992 et al). De Quincey’s collocation of “all creatures, birds, beasts, reptiles, all trees and plants, usages and appearances, that are found in all tropical regions” in the hypnagogic hallucinations that characterized what he called “the pains of opium” seems to anticipate neatly Said’s theory of orientalism, whereby the orient was supplied by the west with “a mentality, a genealogy, an atmosphere,” the attitudinal basis as he argues for the continuing march of imperialism from the late eighteenth century. Yet, as Thomas Trautmann (1997) has pointed out, orientalist scholarship based in India and led by the influential Asiatic Society of Bengal in the late eighteenth century was extremely enthusiastic about Indian classical antiquity. The early orientalist scholarship posited ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious links between Europe and India, while recognizing the greater antiquity of Indian civilization. This favourable attitude (which Trautmann calls “Indomania”) was overtaken in the nineteenth century by disavowal of that scholarship and repugnance (which he calls “Indophobia”), influenced by utilitarian and evangelical attitudes to colonialism. De Quincey’s lifespan covers this crucial period of change. My paper examines his evangelical upbringing and interest in biblical and orientalist scholarship to suggest his anxious investment in these modes of thinking. I will suggest that the bizarre orientalist fusions of his dreams can be better understood in the context of changing attitudes to the imperialism during the period. An examination of his work provides a far more dynamic understanding of the processes of orientalism than the binary model suggested by Said. The transformation implied from imperial scholarship to governance, I will suggest, is not irrelevant to a world which continues to pull apart on various grounds of race and ethnicity, and reflects on our own role in the academy today.","PeriodicalId":430742,"journal":{"name":"Literature For Our Times","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2007-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Literature For Our Times","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789401207393_007","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Thomas De Quincey’s terrifying oriental nightmares, reported to sensational acclaim in his Confessions of an English Opium-Eater (1821), have become a touchstone of romantic imperialism in recent studies of the literature of the period (Leask 1991; Barrell 1992 et al). De Quincey’s collocation of “all creatures, birds, beasts, reptiles, all trees and plants, usages and appearances, that are found in all tropical regions” in the hypnagogic hallucinations that characterized what he called “the pains of opium” seems to anticipate neatly Said’s theory of orientalism, whereby the orient was supplied by the west with “a mentality, a genealogy, an atmosphere,” the attitudinal basis as he argues for the continuing march of imperialism from the late eighteenth century. Yet, as Thomas Trautmann (1997) has pointed out, orientalist scholarship based in India and led by the influential Asiatic Society of Bengal in the late eighteenth century was extremely enthusiastic about Indian classical antiquity. The early orientalist scholarship posited ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious links between Europe and India, while recognizing the greater antiquity of Indian civilization. This favourable attitude (which Trautmann calls “Indomania”) was overtaken in the nineteenth century by disavowal of that scholarship and repugnance (which he calls “Indophobia”), influenced by utilitarian and evangelical attitudes to colonialism. De Quincey’s lifespan covers this crucial period of change. My paper examines his evangelical upbringing and interest in biblical and orientalist scholarship to suggest his anxious investment in these modes of thinking. I will suggest that the bizarre orientalist fusions of his dreams can be better understood in the context of changing attitudes to the imperialism during the period. An examination of his work provides a far more dynamic understanding of the processes of orientalism than the binary model suggested by Said. The transformation implied from imperial scholarship to governance, I will suggest, is not irrelevant to a world which continues to pull apart on various grounds of race and ethnicity, and reflects on our own role in the academy today.
托马斯·德·昆西(Thomas De Quincey)在他的《一个英国鸦片食客的自白》(1821)中报道了可怕的东方噩梦,引起了轰动的赞誉,在最近对这一时期的文学研究中,它已成为浪漫帝国主义的试金石(Leask 1991;Barrell, 1992等)。德昆西将“所有热带地区的生物、鸟类、野兽、爬行动物、所有树木和植物、用法和外观”的搭配,用在他所谓的“鸦片之痛”的催眠幻觉中,似乎巧妙地预见了赛义德的东方主义理论,即西方为东方提供了“一种心态、一种谱系、一种氛围”。态度上的基础他认为帝国主义从18世纪晚期开始持续发展。然而,正如托马斯·特劳特曼(Thomas Trautmann, 1997)所指出的那样,以印度为基础的东方学研究,在18世纪后期由颇具影响力的孟加拉亚洲学会(Asiatic Society of Bengal)领导的东方学研究,对印度古典古代研究极为热衷。早期的东方学学者认为欧洲和印度之间存在种族、语言、文化和宗教联系,同时承认印度文明更古老。这种有利的态度(特劳特曼称之为“印度狂热”)在19世纪被对学术的否定和厌恶(他称之为“印度恐惧症”)所取代,这种态度受到功利主义和福音主义对殖民主义态度的影响。德昆西的一生涵盖了这一关键的变革时期。我的论文考察了他的福音教育背景和对圣经和东方主义学术的兴趣,以表明他对这些思维模式的焦虑投资。我认为,在这一时期人们对帝国主义态度的转变背景下,可以更好地理解他的梦境中奇异的东方主义融合。对他的作品的考察提供了对东方主义过程的动态理解,而不是赛义德提出的二元模型。我认为,从帝国学术到治理的转变,与一个继续因种族和民族而分裂的世界并不是无关的,这反映了我们今天在学术界的角色。