Motherland in the Philosophy of Eurasianism

IF 0.1 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI:10.17223/24099554/17/13
E. Ponomarev
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Abstract

The article is dedicated to one of the basic ideas of the philosophic movement of Eurasianism - the idea of the Motherland. Unlike the other philosophical trends of the first wave of emigration, Eurasians were the only ones who understood the Fatherland not speculatively, but geographically. Eurasians could be called the first political scientists of the Russian philosophical tradition: they tried to predict the political situation in the abandoned Russia in order to build a new state on the ruins of Bolshevism in the future. They formed the concept of the Motherland from four components: a historically formed territory, power for possession of the territory, religion (Orthodoxy), and culture (common for the entire middle Eurasia, which was yet to be created on the basis of Russian culture). The author of the article insists on the fact that the idea of a common culture was reduced to declarations and was not developed by the participants in the movement. Besides, the theme of culture exposes some structural contradictions in the Eurasian theory (it contradicts the anti-colonial pathos of some works and looks retrograde against the background of innovative political forecasts). Eurasians’ religious themes were also poorly developed, some participants in the movement even ignored the subject. Detailed historical, economic, and national issues did not remove the general “narrowness” of the theory: the Motherland was uniquely defined only as mestorazvitie [local development] (P.N. Savitsky’s term), which created a contradiction Eurasians did not feel: in the domestic policy, in modern terms, they were globalists who insisted on the victory of the centripetal forces in the “Ocean of Eurasia”; in the foreign policy, they were anti-globalists who seriously believed that a closed (but large) economic system is more efficient than a global one. This contradiction brings us to the main semantic gap of the Eurasian theory: all the creators of this doctrine refused to understand that, for the “middle lands” of Eurasia, Russian culture and the Russian language, in one way or another, represented the language and culture of the colonialists. They simply did not see this significant problem, looking at Eurasia with Russian eyes and insisting that the Russian people in Eurasia were then “the first among equals”. In addition, the concept of mestorazvitie created a negative assessment for all who had dropped out of their own “local development”. Emigration, thus, became the periphery of the Russian and Eurasian idea, meaningless from the point of view of the processes taking place in the Motherland. For this reason, in the author’s opinion, Eurasianism was doomed to an early decline: the ideas of Eurasianism lost their vitality as soon as the emigration realized (in the late 1920s - early 1930s) that there was no way back to Russia. The author declares no conflicts of interests.
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欧亚主义哲学中的祖国
本文主要论述欧亚主义哲学运动的一个基本思想——祖国思想。与第一波移民浪潮中的其他哲学思潮不同,欧亚人是唯一不是从思辨角度,而是从地理角度理解祖国的人。欧亚人可以被称为俄国哲学传统的第一批政治科学家:他们试图预测被遗弃的俄罗斯的政治局势,以便在未来布尔什维主义的废墟上建立一个新的国家。他们从四个组成部分形成了祖国的概念:历史上形成的领土,拥有领土的权力,宗教(东正教)和文化(整个欧亚大陆中部共同的,尚未在俄罗斯文化的基础上创造)。这篇文章的作者坚持这样一个事实,即共同文化的概念被简化为宣言,而不是由运动的参与者发展起来的。此外,文化主题暴露了欧亚主义理论中的一些结构性矛盾(它与一些作品的反殖民情感相矛盾,在创新的政治预测背景下显得倒退)。欧亚人的宗教主题也不发达,一些运动参与者甚至忽略了这个主题。详细的历史、经济和民族问题并没有消除该理论总体上的“狭隘性”:祖国被唯一地定义为“地方发展”(P.N.萨维茨基的术语),这造成了欧亚人没有感觉到的矛盾:在国内政策上,用现代术语来说,他们是坚持向心力在“欧亚海洋”中取得胜利的全球主义者;在外交政策上,他们是反全球化主义者,他们严肃地认为一个封闭(但庞大)的经济体系比一个全球化的经济体系更有效。这种矛盾把我们带到了欧亚理论的主要语义缺口:这一学说的所有创造者都拒绝理解,对于欧亚大陆的“中土”来说,俄罗斯文化和俄语以这样或那样的方式代表了殖民主义者的语言和文化。他们只是没有看到这个重大问题,用俄罗斯人的眼光看待欧亚大陆,坚持认为欧亚大陆上的俄罗斯人是“平等中的第一”。此外,mestorazvitie的概念对所有放弃自己的“地方发展”的人造成了负面评价。因此,移民成为了俄罗斯和欧亚思想的边缘,从祖国发生的进程的角度来看,移民毫无意义。因此,在笔者看来,欧亚主义注定了早期的衰落:一旦移民意识到(20世纪20年代末至30年代初)无法回到俄罗斯,欧亚主义的思想就失去了活力。作者声明没有利益冲突。
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