平等主义的多样性:德意志民主共和国社会主义晚期的性别意识形态

IF 1 3区 历史学 Q3 FAMILY STUDIES History of the Family Pub Date : 2023-10-29 DOI:10.1080/1081602x.2023.2258852
Leonie Kleinschrot, Felix Berth, Martin Bujard
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By applying latent class analysis, we identify two patterns of egalitarianism in the analytic sample, which we term ‘all-inclusive-egalitarians’ and ‘not-in-my-backyard-egalitarians’ (‘nimby-egalitarians’). The former supported gender equality in both the public and familial spheres. The nimby-egalitarians, by contrast, had ambivalent attitudes, as they supported gender equality in the public sphere and at the same time held more traditional attitudes towards the private sphere. Our study demonstrates that after almost 40 years of propagating gender equality, state socialism in the GDR had some success in shaping societal gender ideologies. However, we reveal ambivalences which researchers have previously often overseen, especially in contrast to the Western part of Germany. The top-down shaped GDR patterns of egalitarianism also bear similarities to the stalled gender revolution in contemporary Western democratic societies. Beyond the results, the paper proves the richness and principle usability of hitherto rarely used data sets preserved from the GDR.KEYWORDS: Gender role attitudesgender equalityGerman Democratic Republicsocialismfamily policylatent class analysis Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The data have only been analysed by the survey project team at the ZIJ. An overview of the reports is available at: https://search.gesis.org/research_data/ZA6138?doi=10.4232/1.61382. We refrain from testing ‘education’ as a predictor of gender ideologies (van Berkel & Graaf, Citation1999) as the late GDR had an universal school system and access to higher education was regulated and strongly dependent on regime loyality (Hadjar & Berger, Citation2010; Mayer & Solga, Citation1994). Thus, a selection bias of highly regime loyal individuals in the higher education groups cannot be ruled out in the cohorts included. We were also unable to include the number of children (Fan & Marini, Citation2000) as a predictor of gender ideology due to missing information.3. All translations from German are ours.4. Schlegel was a research assistant and then head of department at the Central Institute for Youth Research from 1972 to 1990. After 1990, she was one of the few researchers from the Institute who continued to find employment in the German academic system. She was also the only scientist from the Institute who was willing to give us an interview; numerous other attempts to contact former researchers failed. We suspect this is due to the feelings of frustration of former researchers who were catapulted out of the science system after 1990, but we cannot prove this.5. Methodologically innovative was the fact that the study planned to interview not only the women but also their mothers (Zentralinstitut Für Jugendforschung (Citation1984). This two-generation approach was implemented in Western research many years later. However, we decided not to include the data of the elders because our focus is not on a generational comparison (as e.g. in Kreher (Citation2002), but on the attitudes of the younger generation at reproductive age. Moreover, only about half of the elders participated and the questionnaire did not ask for their gender, which is why we cannot ensure whether fathers did also answer.6. The districts of the GDR were named after the district cities and included not only these cities but also other counties. The district of Erfurt in the south-west of the GDR was a medium-sized district in terms of area and population (1984: 1.2 million) and had an industrial character. The district of Karl-Marx-Stadt in the south was the most populous (1984: 1.9 million) and most densely populated district of the GDR and was the second most important for industrial production (Staatliche Zentralverwaltung für Statistik Ed., Citation1986). Its former district city is now called Chemnitz. Regional disparities, e.g. in terms of the economy or health care, income or education of the population, were not very pronounced in the late phase of the GDR (Beyme, Citation1988; Kind, Citation1997).7. We included this item as it measures the belief whether professional development is compatible with the responsibilities of motherhood (rather than parenthood or fatherhood) or the well-being of the child, i.e. the degree of agreement that mothers are responsible for childcare and that children’s needs should take precedence over their employment and career. Nevertheless, we tested the LCA model without this item, which did not change the results presented.8. The first step estimates the unconditional class model. The second step assigns respondents to classes based on posterior probabilities of membership resulted from the first step.9. The term ‘Nimby’ is originally used in political science to describe local resistance to the siting of politically planned facilities (such as wind turbines, landfills, drug addicts’ homes). The concept’s central hypothesis is that people may agree with the overall goal of the measures (e.g. climate protection or social facilities), but disagree with implementing them in their immediate surroundings for various reasons (Dear, Citation1992; van der Horst, Citation2007; Wolsink, Citation1994). 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In this paper we examine the gender ideologies of young people in the GDR in relation to state socialist ideas of gender equality. First, we outline the GDR’s socialist state policy in favour of maternal full-time employment, even with young children, between the 1950s and the 1980s. We then present the results of our analysis of gender ideologies using survey data collected by the GDR’s Central Institute of Youth Research in 1984. By applying latent class analysis, we identify two patterns of egalitarianism in the analytic sample, which we term ‘all-inclusive-egalitarians’ and ‘not-in-my-backyard-egalitarians’ (‘nimby-egalitarians’). The former supported gender equality in both the public and familial spheres. The nimby-egalitarians, by contrast, had ambivalent attitudes, as they supported gender equality in the public sphere and at the same time held more traditional attitudes towards the private sphere. 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We included this item as it measures the belief whether professional development is compatible with the responsibilities of motherhood (rather than parenthood or fatherhood) or the well-being of the child, i.e. the degree of agreement that mothers are responsible for childcare and that children’s needs should take precedence over their employment and career. Nevertheless, we tested the LCA model without this item, which did not change the results presented.8. The first step estimates the unconditional class model. The second step assigns respondents to classes based on posterior probabilities of membership resulted from the first step.9. The term ‘Nimby’ is originally used in political science to describe local resistance to the siting of politically planned facilities (such as wind turbines, landfills, drug addicts’ homes). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

1949年至1990年,位于前分裂德国东部的社会主义德意志民主共和国(GDR)将妇女解放作为国家目标。在本文中,我们研究了民主德国年轻人的性别意识形态与性别平等的国家社会主义思想的关系。首先,我们概述了上世纪50年代至80年代,德意志民主共和国支持母亲全职工作的社会主义国家政策,即使是带着年幼的孩子。然后,我们利用1984年德意志民主共和国中央青年研究所收集的调查数据,展示了我们对性别意识形态的分析结果。通过应用潜在阶级分析,我们在分析样本中确定了两种平等主义模式,我们称之为“全包容平等主义者”和“不在我家后院的平等主义者”(“邻避平等主义者”)。前者支持公共和家庭领域的性别平等。相比之下,邻避平等主义者的态度是矛盾的,他们支持公共领域的性别平等,同时对私人领域持更传统的态度。我们的研究表明,经过近40年的性别平等宣传,德意志民主共和国的国家社会主义在塑造社会性别意识形态方面取得了一些成功。然而,我们揭示了研究人员以前经常监督的矛盾心理,特别是与德国西部地区形成对比。民主德国自上而下的平等主义模式也与当代西方民主社会停滞不前的性别革命有相似之处。除了结果之外,本文还证明了迄今为止很少使用的GDR数据集的丰富性和基本可用性。关键词:性别角色态度性别平等德国民主共和社会主义家庭政策潜在阶级分析披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突这些数据仅由ZIJ的调查项目组进行了分析。报告的概述可在:https://search.gesis.org/research_data/ZA6138?doi=10.4232/1.61382。我们避免将“教育”作为性别意识形态的预测指标进行测试(van Berkel & Graaf, Citation1999),因为德意志民主共和国晚期有一个普及的学校系统,接受高等教育的机会受到监管,并且强烈依赖于对政权的忠诚(Hadjar & Berger, Citation2010;Mayer & Solga, Citation1994)。因此,不能排除高等教育群体中对政权高度忠诚的个体的选择偏差。由于信息缺失,我们也无法将孩子的数量(Fan & Marini, Citation2000)作为性别意识形态的预测因子。所有的德语翻译都是我们的。从1972年到1990年,施莱格尔在中央青年研究所担任研究助理和系主任。1990年后,她是研究所为数不多的继续在德国学术体系中就业的研究人员之一。她也是研究所唯一一位愿意接受我们采访的科学家;无数次联系前研究人员的尝试都失败了。我们怀疑这是由于1990年以后被赶出科学体系的前研究人员的挫折感所致,但我们无法证明这一点。方法上的创新之处在于,这项研究不仅计划采访妇女,而且还计划采访她们的母亲(中央青年研究所,Citation1984)。这种两代方法多年后在西方研究中得以实施。然而,我们决定不包括老年人的数据,因为我们的重点不是代际比较(如在Kreher (Citation2002)),而是在生育年龄的年轻一代的态度。此外,只有大约一半的老人参与了调查,而且问卷没有询问他们的性别,这就是为什么我们不能确定父亲是否也回答了问题。德意志民主共和国的区以区市命名,不仅包括这些市,还包括其他县。埃尔福特区位于民主德国西南部,就面积和人口而言(1984年:120万)是一个中等规模的地区,具有工业特征。南部的卡尔-马克思城区是德意志民主共和国人口最多(1984年:190万)和人口最稠密的地区,也是工业生产的第二大重要地区(Staatliche Zentralverwaltung fr statistical Ed., Citation1986)。它以前的区城市现在被称为开姆尼茨。在民主德国后期,区域差距,例如在经济或保健、收入或人口教育方面的差距并不十分明显(Beyme, Citation1988;善良,Citation1997) 7。我们加入这个项目,因为它衡量的是职业发展是否与母亲的责任(而不是父母或父亲的责任)或孩子的幸福相兼容的信念,即。 母亲有责任照顾孩子,孩子的需要应该优先于她们的就业和事业。尽管如此,我们对LCA模型进行了测试,但没有改变所呈现的结果。第一步估计无条件类模型。第二步根据第一步得出的后验隶属概率将受访者分配到类别。“邻避”一词最初用于政治科学,用来描述当地对政治规划设施(如风力涡轮机、垃圾填埋场、吸毒者之家)选址的抵制。该概念的中心假设是,人们可能会同意这些措施的总体目标(例如气候保护或社会设施),但由于各种原因不同意在他们的直接环境中实施这些措施(Dear, Citation1992;van der Horst, Citation2007;Wolsink Citation1994)。这个概念在文献中是有争议的,但它可以被比喻为恰当地描述所讨论的性别意识形态阶级的矛盾心理(在公共层面支持性别平等,而在私人层面不太支持)。本研究是在德国研究基金会(DFG)资助的项目中进行的,项目编号为434947732。支持本研究结果的数据可在GESIS数据档案中公开获取,网址为https://doi.org/10.4232/1.6138, ZA6138数据文件版本1.0.0。
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Varieties of egalitarianism: gender ideologies in the late socialism of the German Democratic Republic
ABSTRACTThe socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the east part of former divided Germany, which existed between 1949 and 1990, saw the emancipation of women as a national objective. In this paper we examine the gender ideologies of young people in the GDR in relation to state socialist ideas of gender equality. First, we outline the GDR’s socialist state policy in favour of maternal full-time employment, even with young children, between the 1950s and the 1980s. We then present the results of our analysis of gender ideologies using survey data collected by the GDR’s Central Institute of Youth Research in 1984. By applying latent class analysis, we identify two patterns of egalitarianism in the analytic sample, which we term ‘all-inclusive-egalitarians’ and ‘not-in-my-backyard-egalitarians’ (‘nimby-egalitarians’). The former supported gender equality in both the public and familial spheres. The nimby-egalitarians, by contrast, had ambivalent attitudes, as they supported gender equality in the public sphere and at the same time held more traditional attitudes towards the private sphere. Our study demonstrates that after almost 40 years of propagating gender equality, state socialism in the GDR had some success in shaping societal gender ideologies. However, we reveal ambivalences which researchers have previously often overseen, especially in contrast to the Western part of Germany. The top-down shaped GDR patterns of egalitarianism also bear similarities to the stalled gender revolution in contemporary Western democratic societies. Beyond the results, the paper proves the richness and principle usability of hitherto rarely used data sets preserved from the GDR.KEYWORDS: Gender role attitudesgender equalityGerman Democratic Republicsocialismfamily policylatent class analysis Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The data have only been analysed by the survey project team at the ZIJ. An overview of the reports is available at: https://search.gesis.org/research_data/ZA6138?doi=10.4232/1.61382. We refrain from testing ‘education’ as a predictor of gender ideologies (van Berkel & Graaf, Citation1999) as the late GDR had an universal school system and access to higher education was regulated and strongly dependent on regime loyality (Hadjar & Berger, Citation2010; Mayer & Solga, Citation1994). Thus, a selection bias of highly regime loyal individuals in the higher education groups cannot be ruled out in the cohorts included. We were also unable to include the number of children (Fan & Marini, Citation2000) as a predictor of gender ideology due to missing information.3. All translations from German are ours.4. Schlegel was a research assistant and then head of department at the Central Institute for Youth Research from 1972 to 1990. After 1990, she was one of the few researchers from the Institute who continued to find employment in the German academic system. She was also the only scientist from the Institute who was willing to give us an interview; numerous other attempts to contact former researchers failed. We suspect this is due to the feelings of frustration of former researchers who were catapulted out of the science system after 1990, but we cannot prove this.5. Methodologically innovative was the fact that the study planned to interview not only the women but also their mothers (Zentralinstitut Für Jugendforschung (Citation1984). This two-generation approach was implemented in Western research many years later. However, we decided not to include the data of the elders because our focus is not on a generational comparison (as e.g. in Kreher (Citation2002), but on the attitudes of the younger generation at reproductive age. Moreover, only about half of the elders participated and the questionnaire did not ask for their gender, which is why we cannot ensure whether fathers did also answer.6. The districts of the GDR were named after the district cities and included not only these cities but also other counties. The district of Erfurt in the south-west of the GDR was a medium-sized district in terms of area and population (1984: 1.2 million) and had an industrial character. The district of Karl-Marx-Stadt in the south was the most populous (1984: 1.9 million) and most densely populated district of the GDR and was the second most important for industrial production (Staatliche Zentralverwaltung für Statistik Ed., Citation1986). Its former district city is now called Chemnitz. Regional disparities, e.g. in terms of the economy or health care, income or education of the population, were not very pronounced in the late phase of the GDR (Beyme, Citation1988; Kind, Citation1997).7. We included this item as it measures the belief whether professional development is compatible with the responsibilities of motherhood (rather than parenthood or fatherhood) or the well-being of the child, i.e. the degree of agreement that mothers are responsible for childcare and that children’s needs should take precedence over their employment and career. Nevertheless, we tested the LCA model without this item, which did not change the results presented.8. The first step estimates the unconditional class model. The second step assigns respondents to classes based on posterior probabilities of membership resulted from the first step.9. The term ‘Nimby’ is originally used in political science to describe local resistance to the siting of politically planned facilities (such as wind turbines, landfills, drug addicts’ homes). The concept’s central hypothesis is that people may agree with the overall goal of the measures (e.g. climate protection or social facilities), but disagree with implementing them in their immediate surroundings for various reasons (Dear, Citation1992; van der Horst, Citation2007; Wolsink, Citation1994). The concept is controversial in the literature, but it can be used figuratively to aptly describe the ambivalence of the gender ideology class in question (support for gender equality at the public level versus less support at the private level).Additional informationFundingThis study was conducted within a project funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Foundation) – Project number 434947732. The data that support the findings of this study are openly available in GESIS Data Archive, at https://doi.org/10.4232/1.6138, ZA6138 Data file Version 1.0.0.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.10
自引率
10.00%
发文量
40
期刊介绍: The History of the Family: An International Quarterly makes a significant contribution by publishing works reflecting new developments in scholarship and by charting new directions in the historical study of the family. Further emphasizing the international developments in historical research on the family, the Quarterly encourages articles on comparative research across various cultures and societies in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Pacific Rim, in addition to Europe, the United States and Canada, as well as work in the context of global history.
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