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Divergence 散度
Pub Date : 2020-12-24 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199553389.003.0008
H. Hotson
Since the function and form of Comenian pansophia derived from the previous post-Ramist tradition, its sources and basic working methods naturally betrayed the same family resemblance. Far from proceeding on strictly empirical principles, Comenius adopted from Alsted the idea that pansophia must derive from the ‘three books of God’: sense, reason, and revelation (section 8.i). Like Alsted, Comenius also collected and processed this huge variety of material within a system of commonplaces; while Hartlib and Dury, for their part, proposed using Alsted’s Encyclopaedia as the structure of a collaborative information processing centre known as the Office of Address for Communications. However bookish these methods may seem, they were not as far removed from Bacon’s actual practice as is commonly supposed (section 8.ii). The fatal disjuncture underlying the universal reform programme was not between empiricism and commonplacing but between philosophical and pedagogical goals. The fundamental objective was to expound a reformed system of universal knowledge in the systematic manner in which it could be propagated universally. But the reformation of knowledge in the patient, incremental manner advocated by Bacon required resistance to premature systematization. The Baconian pansophists were therefore forced to choose between pursuing the best means of transmitting received knowledge and the best means of transforming it. Since there was no point in communicating knowledge which remained fundamentally flawed, the universal reform agenda collapsed amongst Hartlib’s successors into the more coherent and manageable task of reforming natural philosophy alone (section 8.iii).
由于科美尼泛哲学的功能和形式源自于之前的后拉米斯传统,其来源和基本工作方法自然流露出相同的家族相似性。他从阿尔斯泰德那里接受了一种观点,即哲学必须来自“上帝的三本书”:感觉、理性和启示(第8.i节)。像阿尔斯特德一样,夸美纽斯也收集和处理了大量的普通材料;而Hartlib和Dury则建议使用Alsted的百科全书作为协作信息处理中心的结构,即通信地址办公室。无论这些方法看起来多么书卷气,它们并不像人们通常认为的那样与培根的实际实践相去甚远(第8.ii节)。普遍改革计划背后的致命脱节,不在于经验主义和大众化之间,而在于哲学目标和教学目标之间。其根本目标是以系统的方式阐述改革后的普遍知识体系,使之能够在全世界传播。但是培根提倡的耐心渐进的知识改革需要抵制过早的系统化。因此,培根式的泛智论者被迫在追求传播已接受知识的最佳方式和转化知识的最佳方式之间做出选择。由于知识的交流是没有意义的,这仍然是根本性的缺陷,普遍的改革议程在哈特利布的继任者中崩溃,变成了更连贯和更易于管理的任务,即单独改革自然哲学(第8.iii节)。
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引用次数: 40
Status Quo Ante Bellum
Pub Date : 2020-12-24 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199553389.003.0001
H. Hotson
Since this book is a sequel to Commonplace Learning, it begins with a synopsis of the previous volume. Ramism before 1620 was most deeply rooted in the fragmented political and confessional geography of the northwestern corner of the Holy Roman Empire. Its function was to provide small polities with the means to transmit the maximum amount of useful learning with a minimum of time, effort, and expense. The appeal of this pedagogy to magistrates, rulers, parents, and students generated a motive force capable of spreading Ramism horizontally from one gymnasium to another and then vertically through gymnasia illustria to full universities, even in the face of opposition by humanists and theologians. Student demand then forced the universities to adapt begin expounding traditional Aristotelian philosophical substance in quasi-Ramist pedagogical form. Once Bartholomäus Keckermann (c. 1572–1608) had emancipated philosophical instruction from the text of Aristotle in this way, bolder men like the young Johann Heinrich Alsted (1588–1638) began using Keckermann’s systematic method to assemble increasingly eclectic doctrinal mixtures. The stage was set to deploy similar pedagogical methods to ease the assimilation of the bold new philosophies of the era of Descartes into university instruction as well. But before that happened, however, the outbreak of the Thirty Years War destroyed the network of German Reformed educational institutions which had sustained this tradition and scattered its students and teachers in all directions. The Reformation of Common Learning narrates some of the consequences of that diaspora for the intellectual history of the mid-seventeenth century.
因为这本书是《平凡的学习》的续集,它以前一卷的概要开始。1620年以前,拉美教深深扎根于神圣罗马帝国西北角支离破碎的政治和宗教地理。它的功能是为小国家提供以最少的时间、精力和费用传播最多有用知识的手段。这种教学法对地方长官、统治者、家长和学生的吸引力产生了一种动力,能够横向地从一个体育馆传播到另一个体育馆,然后垂直地通过体育馆传播到整个大学,即使面对人文主义者和神学家的反对。学生的需求迫使大学适应并开始以准拉米斯的教学形式阐述传统的亚里士多德哲学实质。一旦Bartholomäus凯克曼(c. 1572-1608)以这种方式将哲学指导从亚里士多德的文本中解放出来,像年轻的约翰·海因里希·阿尔斯泰德(1588-1638)这样大胆的人开始使用凯克曼的系统方法来组装越来越折衷的理论混合物。这个阶段是为了部署类似的教学方法,以缓解笛卡尔时代大胆的新哲学在大学教学中的同化。然而,在此之前,三十年战争的爆发摧毁了维持这一传统的德国改革教育机构网络,并将学生和教师分散到四面八方。《公共教育的改革》叙述了17世纪中期的思想史上的一些结果。
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引用次数: 0
Renovation 改造
Pub Date : 2020-12-24 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199553389.003.0005
H. Hotson
The rapid assimilation of Cartesianism into the young Dutch universities is often regarded as evidence of the unique open-mindedness of Dutch society and culture during the Golden Age. Absent from such accounts is the fact that a disproportionate share of the earliest and most avid ‘Dutch Cartestians’ were in fact first- or second-generation refugees, displaced from the heartland of the Ramist and post-Ramist tradition in Reformed Germany during the course of the Thirty Years War (section 5.i). Particularly instructive is a group of early defenders of Cartesianism—Tobias Andreae, Johannes Clauberg, and Christoph Wittich—educated in the Reformed academy in Bremen under the little-known figure of Gerhard de Neufville (section 5.ii). To this group can be added the Bremen-born Johannes Coccejus, whose variety of covenant theology was combined with Cartesianism to generate a tradition characteristic of the early Dutch moderate Enlightenment (section 5.iii). Placing the advent of academic Cartesianism within the intellectual diaspora of the Thirty Years War therefore opens fresh perspective on the Dutch Golden Age of the mid-seventeenth century and the intellectual fertility of Holy Roman Empire during the previous period (section 5.iv).
年轻的荷兰大学对笛卡尔主义的迅速同化通常被认为是黄金时代荷兰社会和文化独特开放思想的证据。这些描述中没有提到的事实是,在最早和最狂热的“荷兰笛卡尔派”中,有不成比例的一部分实际上是第一代或第二代难民,他们在三十年战争期间从改革后的德国的拉米斯派和后拉米斯派传统的中心地带流离失所(第5.i节)。特别有启发意义的是一群笛卡尔主义的早期捍卫者——托比亚斯·安德烈、约翰内斯·克劳伯格和克里斯托夫·维蒂奇——在不莱梅的改革宗学院接受了鲜为人知的格哈德·德·纽维尔的教育(第5节ii)。不莱梅出生的Johannes Coccejus,其契约神学的多样性与笛卡尔主义相结合,产生了早期荷兰温和启蒙运动的传统特征(第5.iii节)。因此,将学术笛卡尔主义的出现置于三十年战争的知识分子流散中,为17世纪中叶的荷兰黄金时代和前一时期神圣罗马帝国的知识分子丰富性开辟了新的视角(第5.iv节)。
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引用次数: 10
Summary, Conclusions, and Prospects 摘要、结论和展望
Pub Date : 2020-12-24 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199553389.003.0012
H. Hotson
The first part of this conclusion (section 12.i) surveys the development of the Ramist and post-Ramist tradition in Reformed central Europe before 1630 (narrated in Commonplace Learning), the scattering of that tradition during the Thirty Years War (1618–48), and its further development in relation to figures such as Descartes, Bacon, Comenius, and Leibniz (recounted in The Reformation of Common Learning). The second part (section 12.ii) reviews the argument of this pair of studies from a thematic perspective. Ramism is approached, not as a philosophical school, but as a pedagogical tradition, the most dynamic, innovative, disruptive, and influential to arise in the Protestant world between the Renaissance and the Enlightenment. Its trajectory, in both the Holy Roman Empire and the Dutch Republic, parallels the graphs of new educational foundations and the growth of their student bodies and catchment areas. Its motive power is student demand, fuelled by the social, political, and confessional circumstances of the era and channelled most effectively through relatively modest institutions responsive to student needs. This explains why this tradition of pedagogical innovation emerged in such fragmented landscapes, why Ramist methods and institutions served as channels thorough which mercantile and artisanal impulses percolated into the academic world, and how they could generate the power to overthrow seemingly superior cultural forces, such as the prestigious humanist educational ideals of the era and entrenched confessional commitments. The book closes with the prospect of complementing traditional top-down intellectual history with a bottom-up approach which can contextualize leading works and thinkers within whole landscapes of digitally analysable data.
本结论的第一部分(第12.i节)调查了1630年之前拉米斯派和后拉米斯派传统在改革后的中欧的发展(在《普通教育》中叙述),该传统在三十年战争(1618-48)期间的分散,以及与笛卡尔、培根、美纽斯和莱布尼茨等人物有关的进一步发展(在《普通教育改革》中叙述)。第二部分(第12 - ii节)从主题的角度回顾了这两项研究的论点。Ramism不是作为一个哲学学派,而是作为一种教学传统,是文艺复兴和启蒙运动之间新教世界中最具活力、最具创新性、最具破坏性和影响力的学派。它在神圣罗马帝国和荷兰共和国的发展轨迹,与新的教育基础及其学生群体和集水区的增长曲线相吻合。它的原动力是学生的需求,由时代的社会、政治和宗教环境推动,并通过对学生需求做出反应的相对温和的机构最有效地引导。这就解释了为什么这种教学创新的传统会出现在这种支离破碎的环境中,为什么拉米斯的方法和制度会成为商业和手工冲动渗透到学术界的渠道,以及它们如何能够产生推翻看似优越的文化力量的力量,比如那个时代著名的人文主义教育理想和根深蒂固的忏悔承诺。该书以补充传统的自上而下的思想史与自下而上的方法的前景结束,这种方法可以在数字化可分析数据的整个景观中背景化领先的作品和思想家。
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引用次数: 0
Germination 发芽
Pub Date : 2020-12-24 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199553389.003.0003
H. Hotson
Decades ago, Walter Ong intuited a powerful link between the advent of printing with moveable type, the subsequent spatialization of discourse most strikingly evident in Ramism, and the corpuscular, mechanistic physics of Descartes (section 3.i). More recently, Klaas van Berkel has identified the precise location of this link in Snellius’ student, Isaac Beeckman (1588–1637), who, working at the interface of artisanal knowledge and Ramist pedagogy, developed the basic principles of a physico-mathematical philosophy of nature which he passed on to Descartes in 1618–19 and to Gassendi and Mersenne a decade later (section 3.ii). Another figure of the same generation, Henricus Reneri (1593–1639), was inspired by a very similar set of interests and aspirations to become Descartes’ first devoted follower and perhaps closest friend (section 3.iii).
几十年前,沃尔特·翁(Walter Ong)直觉地发现,活字印刷术的出现、随后在拉米主义中最为明显的话语空间化,以及笛卡尔的微粒力学物理学之间存在着强有力的联系(第3.i节)。最近,Klaas van Berkel在Snellius的学生Isaac Beeckman(1588-1637)身上发现了这种联系的确切位置,Isaac Beeckman在手工知识和Ramist教学法的界面上工作,发展了自然的物理数学哲学的基本原则,并在1618-19年传递给了笛卡尔,并在十年后传递给了Gassendi和Mersenne(第3.ii节)。同一代的另一位人物Henricus Reneri(1593-1639),受到非常相似的兴趣和愿望的启发,成为笛卡儿的第一个忠实追随者,也许也是最亲密的朋友(第3节iii)。
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引用次数: 0
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The Reformation of Common Learning
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