Pub Date : 2019-11-18DOI: 10.1515/9781501505201-019
Richard S. Kayne
{"title":"Some thoughts on one and two and other numerals","authors":"Richard S. Kayne","doi":"10.1515/9781501505201-019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501505201-019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":113121,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation: Structure and Interpretation","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116094120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-18DOI: 10.1515/9781501505201-005
Josef Bayer
In this chapter, I want to extend my earlier work on discourse particles as functional heads by providing new evidence from particle doubling. I will argue that the German data on doubling that I will present are explained in a natural way within the unificational theory of focus particles as well as discourse particles developed in Bayer (1996, 1999, 2012, 2018) and in Bayer and Obenauer (2011), Bayer and Trotzke (2015) as well as in Bayer, Häussler and Bader (2016). Particle doubling lends new support to this theory which defends the view that particles of the relevant sort are functional heads.
{"title":"Why doubling discourse particles?","authors":"Josef Bayer","doi":"10.1515/9781501505201-005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501505201-005","url":null,"abstract":"In this chapter, I want to extend my earlier work on discourse particles as functional heads by providing new evidence from particle doubling. I will argue that the German data on doubling that I will present are explained in a natural way within the unificational theory of focus particles as well as discourse particles developed in Bayer (1996, 1999, 2012, 2018) and in Bayer and Obenauer (2011), Bayer and Trotzke (2015) as well as in Bayer, Häussler and Bader (2016). Particle doubling lends new support to this theory which defends the view that particles of the relevant sort are functional heads.","PeriodicalId":113121,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation: Structure and Interpretation","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121694510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-18DOI: 10.1515/9781501505201-023
{"title":"Inflected infinitives in Portuguese","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/9781501505201-023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501505201-023","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":113121,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation: Structure and Interpretation","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130784681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-18DOI: 10.1515/9781501505201-027
Diego Pescarini
Building on Manzini 2014, Manzini & Savoia 2014, this paper aims to challenge the hypothesis that function words fall into classes. Furthermore, I show that the distribution and behaviour of Romance pronouns does not provide conclusive evidence to the claim that so-called classes result from the internal make-up of function elements. The distinction between classes of function words is often conceptualised in terms of inner syntax: strong elements are conceived as extended phrases, while clitics correspond – at least in the latter stage of their derivation – to a deprived structure, possibly to a single head exhibiting an affixlike behaviour. The correlation between the behaviour of function words and their syntactic makeup was advanced by Kayne 1975, who argued that clitics are heads inasmuch as they cannot be coordinated, focused, modified, used in isolation, etc. Kayne 1983 argued that certain clitics – noticeably, French subject clitics – are in fact phonological clitics as they show cues of phrasal behaviour. The status of phonological clitics has been revised in comparison to the status of Germanic weak pronouns, e.g. German es, which cannot be coordinated, modified, etc., although they are not bound to a specific host or to a dedicated syntactic position (see Holmberg 1986, 1991 a.o.). The Germanic data led Cardinaletti 1991, 1994, 1998; Cardinaletti & Starke 1996, 1999 to a more articulated typology of deficient elements by individuating a third class of pronouns, which Cardinaletti and Starke term weak. Interand intralinguistic variation follows from the distribution of pronominal forms across the three classes, as exemplified in the following table, which illustrates the status of certain Italian and German pronouns (from Cardinaletti & Starke 1996: 27, 29):
{"title":"An emergentist view on functional classes","authors":"Diego Pescarini","doi":"10.1515/9781501505201-027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501505201-027","url":null,"abstract":"Building on Manzini 2014, Manzini & Savoia 2014, this paper aims to challenge the hypothesis that function words fall into classes. Furthermore, I show that the distribution and behaviour of Romance pronouns does not provide conclusive evidence to the claim that so-called classes result from the internal make-up of function elements. The distinction between classes of function words is often conceptualised in terms of inner syntax: strong elements are conceived as extended phrases, while clitics correspond – at least in the latter stage of their derivation – to a deprived structure, possibly to a single head exhibiting an affixlike behaviour. The correlation between the behaviour of function words and their syntactic makeup was advanced by Kayne 1975, who argued that clitics are heads inasmuch as they cannot be coordinated, focused, modified, used in isolation, etc. Kayne 1983 argued that certain clitics – noticeably, French subject clitics – are in fact phonological clitics as they show cues of phrasal behaviour. The status of phonological clitics has been revised in comparison to the status of Germanic weak pronouns, e.g. German es, which cannot be coordinated, modified, etc., although they are not bound to a specific host or to a dedicated syntactic position (see Holmberg 1986, 1991 a.o.). The Germanic data led Cardinaletti 1991, 1994, 1998; Cardinaletti & Starke 1996, 1999 to a more articulated typology of deficient elements by individuating a third class of pronouns, which Cardinaletti and Starke term weak. Interand intralinguistic variation follows from the distribution of pronominal forms across the three classes, as exemplified in the following table, which illustrates the status of certain Italian and German pronouns (from Cardinaletti & Starke 1996: 27, 29):","PeriodicalId":113121,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation: Structure and Interpretation","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134274222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-18DOI: 10.1515/9781501505201-028
Francesca Ramaglia, M. Frascarelli
A sentence of this type is used to assert the existence of the referent denoted by the post-copular phrase (a man in our example) in the location connected with the (optional) final PP (in the garden), or else – if the latter is missing – in a location given in the universe of discourse. The paper is organized as follows. The introductory section is dedicated to an overview of the literature concerned with copular constructions and information-structurally marked structures. Section 2 deals with existential sentences, presenting first some of the most influential works dedicated to this topic, so as to propose an interface analysis which takes into account the formal, semantic and discourse properties of the relevant constructions. Section 3 is concerned with a well-known phenomenon associated to existential sentences in many languages, namely the Definiteness Effect (henceforth, DE). Comparing data from languages showing DE (like English) with languages which apparently do not (like Italian), the present approach reveals that there-sentences with a definite post-copular phrase do not qualify as existential constructions
{"title":"The (information) structure of existentials","authors":"Francesca Ramaglia, M. Frascarelli","doi":"10.1515/9781501505201-028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501505201-028","url":null,"abstract":"A sentence of this type is used to assert the existence of the referent denoted by the post-copular phrase (a man in our example) in the location connected with the (optional) final PP (in the garden), or else – if the latter is missing – in a location given in the universe of discourse. The paper is organized as follows. The introductory section is dedicated to an overview of the literature concerned with copular constructions and information-structurally marked structures. Section 2 deals with existential sentences, presenting first some of the most influential works dedicated to this topic, so as to propose an interface analysis which takes into account the formal, semantic and discourse properties of the relevant constructions. Section 3 is concerned with a well-known phenomenon associated to existential sentences in many languages, namely the Definiteness Effect (henceforth, DE). Comparing data from languages showing DE (like English) with languages which apparently do not (like Italian), the present approach reveals that there-sentences with a definite post-copular phrase do not qualify as existential constructions","PeriodicalId":113121,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation: Structure and Interpretation","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124924401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Italian is a pro drop language, since it allows subject drop and subject inversion. The pro-drop parameter is fixed early on (Orfitelli,2008), but both grammatical and informational factors might regulate the distribution of overt clausal subjects. On the grammatical side, the verb class influences the distribution of overt subjects: overt subjects in Italian are more likely to be found with unaccusative verbs (Lorusso, Caprin & Guasti 2005). On the informational side, 1 st and 2 nd person pronouns are more likely to e dropped than 3 rd person NPs because the latter are more informative (Serratrice, 2005): 1 st and 2 nd ab ne recovered by the discourse, while 3 rd persons are totally event anchored and have to be identified referentially within the linguistic stimuli. The parametric differences encoded in the lexical items, for example the unaccusative vs unergative distinction for verbs or the person ‘informative’ morphology, influence the subject drop in Italian: we propose a Lexical Parametrization account (Manzini & Wexler 1987) for subject drop in Italian, since the characteristic of lexical items influence the likelihood of appearance of an overt syntactic structure. Furthermore the distribution of indefinite postverbal subjects found just with unaccusatives in early stages of acquisition of Italian (Lorusso, 2014) confirms that the lexical characteristics of both the subject NPs and the verbs (in a subset relation with other NPs and verbs respectively) determine the parametric overt variation across the different stage of the acquisition of Italian, as Lexical Parametrization predicts.
{"title":"Lexical parametrization and early subjects in L1 Italian","authors":"P. Lorusso","doi":"10.5296/IJL.V9I6.12113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5296/IJL.V9I6.12113","url":null,"abstract":"Italian is a pro drop language, since it allows subject drop and subject inversion. The pro-drop parameter is fixed early on (Orfitelli,2008), but both grammatical and informational factors might regulate the distribution of overt clausal subjects. On the grammatical side, the verb class influences the distribution of overt subjects: overt subjects in Italian are more likely to be found with unaccusative verbs (Lorusso, Caprin & Guasti 2005). On the informational side, 1 st and 2 nd person pronouns are more likely to e dropped than 3 rd person NPs because the latter are more informative (Serratrice, 2005): 1 st and 2 nd ab ne recovered by the discourse, while 3 rd persons are totally event anchored and have to be identified referentially within the linguistic stimuli. The parametric differences encoded in the lexical items, for example the unaccusative vs unergative distinction for verbs or the person ‘informative’ morphology, influence the subject drop in Italian: we propose a Lexical Parametrization account (Manzini & Wexler 1987) for subject drop in Italian, since the characteristic of lexical items influence the likelihood of appearance of an overt syntactic structure. Furthermore the distribution of indefinite postverbal subjects found just with unaccusatives in early stages of acquisition of Italian (Lorusso, 2014) confirms that the lexical characteristics of both the subject NPs and the verbs (in a subset relation with other NPs and verbs respectively) determine the parametric overt variation across the different stage of the acquisition of Italian, as Lexical Parametrization predicts.","PeriodicalId":113121,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation: Structure and Interpretation","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128991836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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