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Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe : JEMIE最新文献

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Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe 欧洲民族政治与少数民族问题杂志
Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.53779/pojdh8821
A. Cârstocea
2015 marked 15 years since the Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe (JEMIE) was established as the flagship academic publication of the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI). Coincidentally, 2016 also marks an important anniversary, namely 20 years since ECMI was founded on 4 December 1996, in Flensburg, on the German-Danish border.As such, we thought it fitting that the closing 2015 Issue of our Journal should be an anniversary one, looking back at these 15 years of publication history and remembering some of the topics and articles published here, while at the same time reflecting on some of the subjects and topics that could potentially be tackled in the journal in the future.Over the 15 years that passed since JEMIE was launched, the main focus of the journal remained constant: publishing articles, commentaries and book reviews addressing minority issues from a broad range of perspectives, such as ethnopolitics, democratization, conflict management, good governance, participation, minority rights, etc. Concretely, the topics approached in our Special Issues ranged from Europeanization and minority rights to minority language policies, non-territorial autonomy, minority participation in public life, new media, freedom of expression, and many others; these topics were discussed in connection to events and developments across Europe, understood in the broadest sense. Occasionally, JEMIE published special issues dedicated to specific minority groups (e.g. the Roma), or to particular institutions dealing with minority issues (e.g. the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities). The articles published in our General Issues covered additional ground in their selected subject matter, diverse approaches and geographical scope.It must be said that pursuing these topics and publishing such a wide range of articles could not have been possible without the invaluable contribution of JEMIE's previous editors, and of course without the help of the Advisory and Editorial board. (Lists of previous editors and current Advisory and Editorial boards can be consulted here: http://www.ecmi.de/publications/jemie/).As to the future of JEMIE, it will continue to pursue its focus on minority issues, reflecting - as it has been doing for the past 15 years - on academic, legal, socio-economic, or political developments in the field. Among other things, the impact of the refugee crisis on the situation of national minorities, as well as its potential impact on the definition of national minorities and the protections afforded to national minorities, migrants, and refugees will probably constitute important research topics in the near future. In addition to the commitment to publish high-quality articles in the field, we will also seek to improve our visibility and impact factor, by including JEMIE in the major research databases.These being said, our readers are invited to enjoy in the following a selection of articles published over time in JE
2015年标志着《欧洲民族政治与少数民族问题杂志》(JEMIE)作为欧洲少数民族问题中心(ECMI)的旗舰学术出版物成立15周年。巧合的是,2016年也是一个重要的纪念日,即ECMI于1996年12月4日在德国-丹麦边境的弗伦斯堡成立20周年。因此,我们认为2015年的最后一期杂志应该是一个周年纪念,回顾这15年的出版历史,记住这里发表的一些主题和文章,同时反思一些主题和话题,这些主题和话题可能在未来的杂志中被解决。自JEMIE创办以来的15年里,杂志的主要焦点一直保持不变:发表文章、评论和书评,从广泛的角度解决少数民族问题,如民族政治、民主化、冲突管理、善治、参与、少数民族权利等。具体而言,我们的特刊讨论的主题包括欧洲化和少数民族权利、少数民族语言政策、非领土自治、少数民族参与公共生活、新媒体、言论自由等等;这些主题是与欧洲各地的事件和发展联系起来讨论的,从最广泛的意义上理解。偶尔,该中心出版专门针对特定少数群体(如罗姆人)或处理少数群体问题的特定机构(如欧安组织少数民族问题高级专员)的特刊。我们在《通刊》上发表的文章在其选定的主题、不同的方法和地理范围方面涵盖了更多的内容。必须说,如果没有JEMIE以前的编辑们的宝贵贡献,当然也没有咨询和编辑委员会的帮助,追求这些主题和发表如此广泛的文章是不可能的。(以前的编辑和现任的顾问和编辑委员会的名单可以在这里查阅:http://www.ecmi.de/publications/jemie/).As对于JEMIE的未来,它将继续关注少数群体问题,反映-正如它在过去15年中所做的那样-在该领域的学术,法律,社会经济或政治发展。除其他事项外,难民危机对少数民族状况的影响及其对少数民族的定义和对少数民族、移徙者和难民的保护的潜在影响可能在不久的将来成为重要的研究课题。除了承诺在该领域发表高质量的文章外,我们还将通过将JEMIE纳入主要研究数据库来提高我们的知名度和影响因子。话虽如此,我们的读者被邀请去欣赏下面的一些在JEMIE上发表的文章。从过去15年发表的近200篇文章中选出这些文章并非易事;决定哪些文章和主题应该包含在这里意味着要考虑读者最感兴趣的主题是什么,哪些文章提供了最原始和相关的分析。最后,我们选择使用文章产生的引用次数作为我们最受欢迎的文章的指南——尽管我们意识到这是一个远非完美的标准。显然,使用引文数量作为标准会带来自己的问题:首先,在JEMIE早期发表的文章将有更多的时间来生成引文,因此在我们的影响产生列表中出现更高的位置。然而,这是一个很好的指标,表明他们通过选择主题和方法产生的兴趣,当然也表明他们提供的分析的质量。...
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引用次数: 9
Multiculturalism and minority rights: West and East 多元文化主义与少数民族权利:西方与东方
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781315254203-20
W. Kymlicka
IntroductionCountries in post-communist Europe have been pressured to adopt Western standards or models of multiculturalism and minority rights. Indeed, respect for minority rights is one of the accession criteria that candidate countries must meet to enter the European Union (EU) and NATO. Candidate countries are evaluated and ranked in terms of how well they are living up to these standards (see EU Accession Monitoring Program OSI 2001).There are two interlinked processes at work here. First, we see the 'internationalizing' of minority rights issues. How states treat their minorities is now seen as a matter of legitimate international concern, monitoring and intervention. Second, this international framework is deployed to export Western models to newly-democratizing countries in Eastern Europe.This trend implicitly rests on four premises: (i) that there are certain common standards or models in the Western democracies; (ii) that they are working well in the West; (iii) that they are applicable to Eastern and Central Europe (hereafter ECE), and would work well there if adopted; (iv) that there is a legitimate role for the international community to play in promoting or imposing these standards.All four of these assumptions are controversial. Western countries differ amongst themselves in their approach to ethnic relations, and attempts to codify a common set of minimum standards or best practices have proven difficult. Moreover, the success of these approaches is often deeply contested within Western countries. Many citizens of Western democracies view their domestic policies towards ethnic relations as ineffective, if not actually harmful. The wisdom of 'exporting' these policies to ECE countries is even more controversial, both in the West and the East. Countries in post-Communist Europe differ significantly from Western countries (and from each other) in terms of history, demography, geopolitical stability, economic development and democratic consolidation. Given these differences, Western approaches may simply not be relevant or helpful, and attempts to impose them against the wishes or traditions of the local population can be counterproductive in terms of ethnic relations. So the decision to make minority rights one of the criteria for 'rejoining Europe' rests on a number of controversial assumptions. This decision was taken by Western leaders in the early 1990s, almost in panic, as a response to fears that ethnic conflict would spiral out of control across the post-Communist world. There was relatively little public debate or scholarly analysis about the wisdom of this decision, and it seems clear in retrospect that it was taken without a full consideration of its implications, or of the difficulties it raised.In my view, the time has come to have a vigorous and public debate about these four assumptions. Now that the initial panic about ethnic violence has subsided, and with relative peace throughout the region, we can afford to sit bac
后共产主义欧洲国家被迫采用西方的多元文化主义和少数民族权利标准或模式。事实上,尊重少数民族权利是候选国加入欧盟(EU)和北约组织(NATO)必须满足的加入标准之一。候选国家的评估和排名是根据他们在多大程度上符合这些标准(见欧盟加入监测计划OSI 2001)。这里有两个相互关联的过程在起作用。首先,我们看到少数民族权利问题的“国际化”。各国如何对待本国的少数民族,现在被视为国际社会合理关注、监督和干预的问题。其次,这一国际框架被用来向东欧新兴民主化国家输出西方模式。这种趋势隐含地基于四个前提:(i)西方民主国家有某些共同的标准或模式;(ii)它们在西方运作良好;(iii)它们适用于东欧和中欧(以下简称欧洲经委会),如果采用,将在那里发挥良好的作用;国际社会在促进或推行这些标准方面可发挥合法作用。这四个假设都是有争议的。西方国家在处理民族关系方面各不相同,试图编纂一套共同的最低标准或最佳做法已被证明是困难的。此外,这些方法的成功与否在西方国家内部经常受到强烈质疑。许多西方民主国家的公民认为,他们处理民族关系的国内政策即使不是有害的,也是无效的。将这些政策“输出”到欧洲经委会国家的智慧在西方和东方都更有争议。后共产主义欧洲国家在历史、人口、地缘政治稳定、经济发展和民主巩固方面与西方国家(以及彼此之间)存在显著差异。鉴于这些差异,西方的方法可能根本不相关或没有帮助,而试图将它们强加于当地居民的愿望或传统可能会在民族关系方面适得其反。因此,将少数民族权利作为“重新加入欧洲”的标准之一的决定,是建立在一些有争议的假设之上的。这个决定是西方领导人在20世纪90年代初做出的,几乎是在恐慌中做出的,作为对种族冲突将在整个后共产主义世界失控的担忧的回应。关于这一决定是否明智的公开辩论或学术分析相对较少,回顾起来似乎很清楚,在做出这一决定时,没有充分考虑其影响,也没有充分考虑它所带来的困难。在我看来,现在是时候对这四个假设进行激烈的公开辩论了。既然最初对种族暴力的恐慌已经平息,整个地区相对和平,我们可以坐下来,更仔细地思考“输出”和“国际化”少数民族权利的潜力和陷阱。在最近的一卷(Kymlicka and Opalski 2001)中,我试图深入探讨这四个基本假设。在这篇短文中,我只能给出我的结论的一个简短的梗概。关于民族文化多样性的西方趋势首先,我们所说的西方多元文化主义和少数民族权利的标准或模式是什么意思?各种国际组织已作出努力,正式编纂一套少数民族权利或多元文化的做法,包括1992年的联合国宣言,1992年的欧洲宪章区域或少数民族语言宪章和1995年的欧洲委员会框架公约,以及欧安组织少数民族问题高级专员的各种建议(1996年,1998年,1999年)。从理论上讲,这些体现了欧盟国家被期望达到的标准。…
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引用次数: 118
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Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe : JEMIE
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