This article examines the above topic, first of all, in the words of Maurice O‟Connor (2008), as a narrative of internal dissent: Achebe reminiscing how issues in the earlier novels and in the present state of Nigeria merge as one continuous odious history of national disorientation and distortion. It, therefore, uses the storytelling methodology Achebe employs to discuss this historiography of distortion, by examining views of the key narrators who have shared the disillusioning experiences: the horrors of violence and oppression , effecting mass poverty, disillusionment and dehumanization. We examine also why storytelling is said to be of primary importance especially vis-à-vis African literature: examining the narratives as a cultural, consciousness-raising art, especially with regard to what should be the role of women in post-colonial African narratives. In discussing this, the article bears down on Beatrice as the embodiment of what, in narrative politics, Hanggi (2012) has called sane, saving politics of love, the hope for Nigeria/Africa. Through these discourses of the chief narrators, therefore, we see how Achebe endows Beatrice with the symbol of the inherent love in Motherhood that should end the horrors of “the single story” of pre and post-colonial male power, privilege and patriarchy (Anna Poysa: 2011; Ortbals & Poloni-Staudinger: 2018; Pogoson :2011; et al).
本文首先以Maurice O " Connor(2008)的叙述，检视上述主题:阿契贝回忆早期小说中的议题，以及奈及利亚目前的状况，如何融合成一段持续不断、令人厌恶的国家迷失方向与扭曲的历史。因此，本书采用了阿奇贝所采用的叙事方法，通过考察那些分享幻灭经历的主要叙述者的观点，来讨论这种扭曲的史学:暴力和压迫的恐怖，造成的大规模贫困，幻灭和非人化。我们还研究了为什么讲故事被认为是最重要的，特别是对于-à-vis非洲文学:研究叙事作为一种文化，提高意识的艺术，特别是关于妇女在后殖民非洲叙事中的角色。在讨论这一点时，文章将比阿特丽斯作为叙事政治的化身，Hanggi(2012)称之为理智的，拯救的爱的政治，尼日利亚/非洲的希望。因此，通过这些主要叙述者的话语，我们看到阿奇贝是如何赋予比阿特丽斯母性中固有的爱的象征，这应该结束殖民前后男性权力、特权和父权制的“单一故事”的恐怖(Anna Poysa: 2011;ortals & Poloni-Staudinger: 2018;Pogoson: 2011;等)。
{"title":"Matriarchy to Take Over National Duties? A Result of Failure in Nigerian (And African) Political Patriarchy of Neo-Colonial States","authors":"Aringo-Bizimaana Peter, Gulere Wambi Cornelius","doi":"10.15640/RHPS.V7N1A4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/RHPS.V7N1A4","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the above topic, first of all, in the words of Maurice O‟Connor (2008), as a narrative of internal dissent: Achebe reminiscing how issues in the earlier novels and in the present state of Nigeria merge as one continuous odious history of national disorientation and distortion. It, therefore, uses the storytelling methodology Achebe employs to discuss this historiography of distortion, by examining views of the key narrators who have shared the disillusioning experiences: the horrors of violence and oppression , effecting mass poverty, disillusionment and dehumanization. We examine also why storytelling is said to be of primary importance especially vis-à-vis African literature: examining the narratives as a cultural, consciousness-raising art, especially with regard to what should be the role of women in post-colonial African narratives. In discussing this, the article bears down on Beatrice as the embodiment of what, in narrative politics, Hanggi (2012) has called sane, saving politics of love, the hope for Nigeria/Africa. Through these discourses of the chief narrators, therefore, we see how Achebe endows Beatrice with the symbol of the inherent love in Motherhood that should end the horrors of “the single story” of pre and post-colonial male power, privilege and patriarchy (Anna Poysa: 2011; Ortbals & Poloni-Staudinger: 2018; Pogoson :2011; et al).","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131882510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deals with the relationship between Umbanda, a religion that worships the ancestral spirits of blacks, Indians and whites, and Getúlio Vargas‟s dictatorship in Brazil, the New State (1937-1945). Historiography has recorded the repressive effort of the New State, not only on the so-called “Mediumistic2 Religions” (Spiritism and Umbanda), but also on Candomble. However, empirical evidence presents a surprising position when considering Umbanda in Brazil. Documents show an explicit relation of Umbanda and dictatorship while it was in force. This close relation has reached the point of erasing the repression led by Getúlio Vargas‟s dictatorship of the mediumistic religions and of Candomble.
{"title":"Religion and Dictatorship in Brazil: the Case of Umbanda in Getúlio Vargas's New State (1937-1945)","authors":"Artur Cesar Isaia","doi":"10.15640/rhps.v7n2a4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/rhps.v7n2a4","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the relationship between Umbanda, a religion that worships the ancestral spirits of blacks, Indians and whites, and Getúlio Vargas‟s dictatorship in Brazil, the New State (1937-1945). Historiography has recorded the repressive effort of the New State, not only on the so-called “Mediumistic2 Religions” (Spiritism and Umbanda), but also on Candomble. However, empirical evidence presents a surprising position when considering Umbanda in Brazil. Documents show an explicit relation of Umbanda and dictatorship while it was in force. This close relation has reached the point of erasing the repression led by Getúlio Vargas‟s dictatorship of the mediumistic religions and of Candomble.","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129185259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The end of the Cold War formed a new stage in the history of international relations, characterized by rebuilding many of the concepts that had existed since the age of mankind and giving them priority in political speeches because of their direct connection to international phenomena. Among the vast amount of these concepts we find "the term crisis" Which is one of the most used terms in our time that can be described as the era of crises. Today's crises have touched all aspects of life and are present at all levels and levels, whether at the individual level, when the individual faces psychological and social crises in his daily life, or at the national level in the face of governments and institutions for political crises And economic, as well as at the international level, the emergence of what is known today as international crises of transnational extensions and is the subject of study in this research paper. As for the term international crisis, it was not used in international politics except in the nineteenth century, with the contributions of John Krieg Und Friended, which came to express the transition period between peace and war. In the sense that there is a crisis, there is no war and at the same time there is no peace. In this sense, it refers to the stage of no-war, no peace. The Middle East is not only defined by trade relations, diplomatic interaction, or regional organizations, more than any other region in the world, but also by its tough power and military capability. This has been the case in the region's recent history and will remain so for the foreseeable future. However, since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire a century ago, the Middle East has not witnessed convulsions, regional turmoil and internal conflict as it is witnesses today.
{"title":"The Repercussions of the Global Crisis on the Middle East","authors":"Mohammad Salim Al-Rawashdeh","doi":"10.15640/rhps.v7n2a5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/rhps.v7n2a5","url":null,"abstract":"The end of the Cold War formed a new stage in the history of international relations, characterized by rebuilding many of the concepts that had existed since the age of mankind and giving them priority in political speeches because of their direct connection to international phenomena. Among the vast amount of these concepts we find \"the term crisis\" Which is one of the most used terms in our time that can be described as the era of crises. Today's crises have touched all aspects of life and are present at all levels and levels, whether at the individual level, when the individual faces psychological and social crises in his daily life, or at the national level in the face of governments and institutions for political crises And economic, as well as at the international level, the emergence of what is known today as international crises of transnational extensions and is the subject of study in this research paper. As for the term international crisis, it was not used in international politics except in the nineteenth century, with the contributions of John Krieg Und Friended, which came to express the transition period between peace and war. In the sense that there is a crisis, there is no war and at the same time there is no peace. In this sense, it refers to the stage of no-war, no peace. The Middle East is not only defined by trade relations, diplomatic interaction, or regional organizations, more than any other region in the world, but also by its tough power and military capability. This has been the case in the region's recent history and will remain so for the foreseeable future. However, since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire a century ago, the Middle East has not witnessed convulsions, regional turmoil and internal conflict as it is witnesses today.","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116359241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The situation in Europe soon after World War I filled the Bolsheviks with the hope that revolution would soon engulf other countries. Founded in March 1919, on Vladimir Lenin‟s initiative, the Communist International was regarded as the headquarters of the international communist movement and an instrument to reach that goal. The Communist International promoted communism and mobilized the working class to fight for their rights. But from 1923, the international situation began to stabilize. Attempts to start a revolution in European countries failed, and the Soviet Union lost hope of an immediate worldwide revolution. Soon the question arose: What‟s next? The response was the attempt to build socialism when surrounded by hostile capitalist powers and wait for an opportune moment when the world again is ripe for a revolution. Joseph Stalin was prepared to take the risk of building a socialist system alone. The consolidation of Stalin‟s power and the victory of the idea of „socialism in one state‟, in spite of the resistance on a part of the ruling elite, primarily Trotsky, also changed foreign policy significantly. The Kremlin was now facing the need to build normal diplomatic relations with the capitalist countries.
{"title":"Change of Game Rules: The Policy of the Communist International during 1923–1925 vis-à-vis the Communist Sections","authors":"Elżbieta Kowalczyk","doi":"10.15640/rhps.v7n2a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/rhps.v7n2a1","url":null,"abstract":"The situation in Europe soon after World War I filled the Bolsheviks with the hope that revolution would soon engulf other countries. Founded in March 1919, on Vladimir Lenin‟s initiative, the Communist International was regarded as the headquarters of the international communist movement and an instrument to reach that goal. The Communist International promoted communism and mobilized the working class to fight for their rights. But from 1923, the international situation began to stabilize. Attempts to start a revolution in European countries failed, and the Soviet Union lost hope of an immediate worldwide revolution. Soon the question arose: What‟s next? The response was the attempt to build socialism when surrounded by hostile capitalist powers and wait for an opportune moment when the world again is ripe for a revolution. Joseph Stalin was prepared to take the risk of building a socialist system alone. The consolidation of Stalin‟s power and the victory of the idea of „socialism in one state‟, in spite of the resistance on a part of the ruling elite, primarily Trotsky, also changed foreign policy significantly. The Kremlin was now facing the need to build normal diplomatic relations with the capitalist countries.","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126517761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The policy of neighborhood in India‟s foreign policy has been questioning by horizon from the very beginning of her relation towards Bhutan. Recently, the Government of National Democratic Alliance led by Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India has put emphasized on “neighborhood first” as a drive to foreign policy of India towards Bhutan proved to be true of this sentiment. This is a great shocking why India after completion of so long historic ties with Bhutan even in absence of any border dispute, unlike Pakistan and Bangladesh, has to bring such an issue towards the former. Is it a India‟s new approach to revive existing policy of reciprocity towards Bhutan in order to combat communist China in Bhutan and establish her hegemony in South Asia. This paper will analyze the evolution of bilateral relations between India and Bhutan in terms of the domain of economy, polity and strategic perspectives along with the possible solutions in strengthening the same in near future. Key word: Foreign policy, bilateral economic relations, security , South Asia.
{"title":"India-Bhutan Relations: The New Dimensions of 21st Century","authors":"Nitu Moni Deka, Dr. Niranjan Mohapatra","doi":"10.15640/rhps.v8n1a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/rhps.v8n1a1","url":null,"abstract":"The policy of neighborhood in India‟s foreign policy has been questioning by horizon from the very beginning of her relation towards Bhutan. Recently, the Government of National Democratic Alliance led by Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India has put emphasized on “neighborhood first” as a drive to foreign policy of India towards Bhutan proved to be true of this sentiment. This is a great shocking why India after completion of so long historic ties with Bhutan even in absence of any border dispute, unlike Pakistan and Bangladesh, has to bring such an issue towards the former. Is it a India‟s new approach to revive existing policy of reciprocity towards Bhutan in order to combat communist China in Bhutan and establish her hegemony in South Asia. This paper will analyze the evolution of bilateral relations between India and Bhutan in terms of the domain of economy, polity and strategic perspectives along with the possible solutions in strengthening the same in near future. Key word: Foreign policy, bilateral economic relations, security , South Asia.","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115686725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article looks at the influence of social identity on public attitudes toward American foreign policy. In terms of foreign policy, U.S. citizens show solidarity with other members of their race by supporting policies that prove beneficial to them. Utilizing data from the 2010 Global Views national survey by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, the paper shows social identity as expressed through racial solidarity helps to facilitate this socio-cognitive process. It also provides evidence illustrating racial solidarity increases the desire of different social groups to support policies which will ultimately benefit ingroups at home, as well as overseas populations they consider as part of their ingroup. The paper also argues and provides evidence showing racial solidarity causes certain social groups to have warm feelings toward countries that contain large populations of people they consider as part of their ingroup. The evidence presented in this article moves people closer to understanding the political implications of social identity even in the realm of U.S. foreign policy.
{"title":"Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: The Social Context","authors":"A. Leach","doi":"10.15640/rhps.v7n1a2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/rhps.v7n1a2","url":null,"abstract":"This article looks at the influence of social identity on public attitudes toward American foreign policy. In terms of foreign policy, U.S. citizens show solidarity with other members of their race by supporting policies that prove beneficial to them. Utilizing data from the 2010 Global Views national survey by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, the paper shows social identity as expressed through racial solidarity helps to facilitate this socio-cognitive process. It also provides evidence illustrating racial solidarity increases the desire of different social groups to support policies which will ultimately benefit ingroups at home, as well as overseas populations they consider as part of their ingroup. The paper also argues and provides evidence showing racial solidarity causes certain social groups to have warm feelings toward countries that contain large populations of people they consider as part of their ingroup. The evidence presented in this article moves people closer to understanding the political implications of social identity even in the realm of U.S. foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134089985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Campaign advertising can be self-harm. Using data of Romney‟s “Failing American Workers” ad obtained from Wesleyan Media Project, I build three Time-Series-Cross-Sectional models to estimate how the ad using anti-China rhetoric affected Romney‟s voter support in target states. The pooling and random intercepts models show that in general airing the ad increased Romney‟s daily voter support across the states by about 0.8 percent. But the fixed effects model shows that airing the ad within the same state over time decreased Romney‟s daily voter support by about 0.2 percent;and as the ad spending increased, Romney‟s daily voter support decreased. The results indicate that airing anti-China ad can help seek voter support but spending too much on itcanself-hurtthe presidential candidate.
{"title":"The Hazard of Anti-China Rhetoric: an Analysis of Mitt Romney’s “Failing American Workers” Campaign Ad","authors":"Xiaodong Fang","doi":"10.15640/RHPS.V7N1A1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/RHPS.V7N1A1","url":null,"abstract":"Campaign advertising can be self-harm. Using data of Romney‟s “Failing American Workers” ad obtained from Wesleyan Media Project, I build three Time-Series-Cross-Sectional models to estimate how the ad using anti-China rhetoric affected Romney‟s voter support in target states. The pooling and random intercepts models show that in general airing the ad increased Romney‟s daily voter support across the states by about 0.8 percent. But the fixed effects model shows that airing the ad within the same state over time decreased Romney‟s daily voter support by about 0.2 percent;and as the ad spending increased, Romney‟s daily voter support decreased. The results indicate that airing anti-China ad can help seek voter support but spending too much on itcanself-hurtthe presidential candidate.","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133846310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the end of WWII Germany had to face a difficult situation posed by a military occupation over its territory and by a division into four zones. At the basis of that complete loss of authority for Germany, there is a written agreement that formalized the surrender, also known as Unconditional Surrender. From a juridical point of view, the Unconditional Surrender is a special category of capitulation which leaves open the possibility for the victorious powers of adding further provisions. The case of German Prisoners of War in the U.S. sector (1945-1947) is to be considered and analyzed in the light of the above-mentioned legal framework.
{"title":"The Unconditional Surrender of Germany in the American Perspective: The Case of German Prisoners of War (1945-1947)","authors":"Francesca Somenzari","doi":"10.15640/rhps.v7n1a5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/rhps.v7n1a5","url":null,"abstract":"At the end of WWII Germany had to face a difficult situation posed by a military occupation over its territory and by a division into four zones. At the basis of that complete loss of authority for Germany, there is a written agreement that formalized the surrender, also known as Unconditional Surrender. From a juridical point of view, the Unconditional Surrender is a special category of capitulation which leaves open the possibility for the victorious powers of adding further provisions. The case of German Prisoners of War in the U.S. sector (1945-1947) is to be considered and analyzed in the light of the above-mentioned legal framework.","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117050763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to the personality and political activity of Otto von Bismarck in the Russian Conservative, Liberal and Democratic Press of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century. In spite of the existence of a great number of publications focused on the analysis of his personality and activity, a certain number of the sources still requires further studies and research. Bismarck is a historical figure that attracts the attention not only of professional historians but also of publicists and fiction authors. The Russian press in all its various political leanings had a very important impact not only on public opinion, but also on the decision making process of the political elite of the country. This is an open access article under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License .
{"title":"The Personality and Political Activity of Otto von Bismarck in the Russian Conservative, Liberal and Democratic Press of the 19th - beginning of the 20th Century","authors":"Alena Eskridge-Kosmach","doi":"10.15640/rhps.v9n1a3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/rhps.v9n1a3","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the personality and political activity of Otto von Bismarck in the Russian Conservative, Liberal and Democratic Press of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century. In spite of the existence of a great number of publications focused on the analysis of his personality and activity, a certain number of the sources still requires further studies and research. Bismarck is a historical figure that attracts the attention not only of professional historians but also of publicists and fiction authors. The Russian press in all its various political leanings had a very important impact not only on public opinion, but also on the decision making process of the political elite of the country. This is an open access article under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License .","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125061200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the same time or shortly after conquest of Al-Andalus by the Muslims, religion of Shiite entered in this land. But several factors prevent the spread of Shiite and caused the failure of the religion in Al-Andalus. The political situations were one of the most important factors. So, the main question is that what are the most important political factors caused the failure of spread of Shiite in Al-Andalus? In response to this question the hypotheses is that “Political factors such as uprising attributed to Shiites and rival Umayyad in Andalus and conflict with Fatimid and Edrissian governments, caused the failure of spread Shiites thought.” This research will focus exclusively on political factors, by use of documents and historical books with descriptive method examines the hypothesis.
{"title":"Political Factors in the Scarcity of Shia Population in Al-Andalus","authors":"M. Abbasi","doi":"10.15640/RHPS.V7N1A3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/RHPS.V7N1A3","url":null,"abstract":"At the same time or shortly after conquest of Al-Andalus by the Muslims, religion of Shiite entered in this land. But several factors prevent the spread of Shiite and caused the failure of the religion in Al-Andalus. The political situations were one of the most important factors. So, the main question is that what are the most important political factors caused the failure of spread of Shiite in Al-Andalus? In response to this question the hypotheses is that “Political factors such as uprising attributed to Shiites and rival Umayyad in Andalus and conflict with Fatimid and Edrissian governments, caused the failure of spread Shiites thought.” This research will focus exclusively on political factors, by use of documents and historical books with descriptive method examines the hypothesis.","PeriodicalId":135810,"journal":{"name":"REVIEW OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131175331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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