The director of the U.S. News law school rankings, Robert Morse, has initiated discussion about how – if at all – racial diversity should be included in the U.S. News rankings. This essay explores the relationship between African American student enrollment and U.S. News peer assessment scores of law schools. It explores this first at all ABA-approved law schools, and then within tiers of law schools. It finds a positive, though slight, relationship between African American student enrollment and peer assessment scores for the 26 most elite law schools, a marginally stronger relationship for the top 103 schools, and a slight negative relationship for the remaining schools. These findings are supplemented with data on the relationship between schools’ U.S. News peer assessment scores and their proportions of Asian American students, Hispanic students, and minority faculty.
{"title":"African American Student Enrollment and Law School Ranking","authors":"A. Brophy","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1991909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1991909","url":null,"abstract":"The director of the U.S. News law school rankings, Robert Morse, has initiated discussion about how – if at all – racial diversity should be included in the U.S. News rankings. This essay explores the relationship between African American student enrollment and U.S. News peer assessment scores of law schools. It explores this first at all ABA-approved law schools, and then within tiers of law schools. It finds a positive, though slight, relationship between African American student enrollment and peer assessment scores for the 26 most elite law schools, a marginally stronger relationship for the top 103 schools, and a slight negative relationship for the remaining schools. These findings are supplemented with data on the relationship between schools’ U.S. News peer assessment scores and their proportions of Asian American students, Hispanic students, and minority faculty.","PeriodicalId":148953,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115283918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the rumors about President Barack Obama which accused him of being Muslim, unpatriotic, and a terrorist sympathizer. Despite ample evidence that the rumors were patently false, on Election Day, fully 10% of the voters continued to believe that he was Muslim. In addition, many continued to harbor the pernicious racial, socio-ethnic, and religious biases that shaped the rumors. This article asks, and answers “why” the rumors persisted.This article provides an answer from a unique communication theory perspective. This article first mines the sources of the Obama rumors, and how those rumors were amplified in the media. Next, using semiotic concepts, the article illuminates how the Obama rumors played upon themes of patriotism, “American-ness,” race, and Islamophobia. This article then takes its most novel approach by setting forth the contours of rumor communication, and the central role quotidian hermeneutics played in embedding the Obama rumors. “Quotidian hermeneutics” is a method by which to analyze everyday conversations. Specifically, conversations amongst in-group members have an underappreciated impact on voters’ source of information and voting decisions. By examining the characteristics and conversational properties of rumors, this article demonstrates how peer groups engaged in quotidian discourse helped re-frame, mediate, and reinforce the Obama rumors. The value of this article lies in two facts: first, the rumors of Obama’s Muslim allegiances were believed in numbers sufficient to tip the election. Second, with regards to issue-based decision making, interpersonal communication represents a significant source of political information and voter influence. Thus, what likely voters discussed in everyday conversation, and how they discussed the Obama rumors provides one answer as to why the Obama rumors persisted.
{"title":"The Muslim Manchurian Candidate: Barack Obama, Rumors, and Quotidian Hermeneutics","authors":"B. Adamson","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1666492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1666492","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the rumors about President Barack Obama which accused him of being Muslim, unpatriotic, and a terrorist sympathizer. Despite ample evidence that the rumors were patently false, on Election Day, fully 10% of the voters continued to believe that he was Muslim. In addition, many continued to harbor the pernicious racial, socio-ethnic, and religious biases that shaped the rumors. This article asks, and answers “why” the rumors persisted.This article provides an answer from a unique communication theory perspective. This article first mines the sources of the Obama rumors, and how those rumors were amplified in the media. Next, using semiotic concepts, the article illuminates how the Obama rumors played upon themes of patriotism, “American-ness,” race, and Islamophobia. This article then takes its most novel approach by setting forth the contours of rumor communication, and the central role quotidian hermeneutics played in embedding the Obama rumors. “Quotidian hermeneutics” is a method by which to analyze everyday conversations. Specifically, conversations amongst in-group members have an underappreciated impact on voters’ source of information and voting decisions. By examining the characteristics and conversational properties of rumors, this article demonstrates how peer groups engaged in quotidian discourse helped re-frame, mediate, and reinforce the Obama rumors. The value of this article lies in two facts: first, the rumors of Obama’s Muslim allegiances were believed in numbers sufficient to tip the election. Second, with regards to issue-based decision making, interpersonal communication represents a significant source of political information and voter influence. Thus, what likely voters discussed in everyday conversation, and how they discussed the Obama rumors provides one answer as to why the Obama rumors persisted.","PeriodicalId":148953,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114189882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper I apply critical legal rhetoric to the judicial opinion rendered in response to the Defendants' Motion to Dismiss Plaintiffs' Second Amended and Consolidated Complaint in 'In Re African American Slave Descendants', a case concerning the efforts of a group of modern-day descendants of enslaved African-Americans to obtain redress for the harms of slavery. The chief methodological framework for performing critical legal rhetorical analysis comes from the work of Marouf Hasian, Jr. particularly his schema for analysis which he calls substantive units in critical legal rhetoric. Critical legal rhetoric is a potent tool for exposing the way in which the public ideologies of society and the private ideologies of jurists, legislators and other legal actors are manifested in legal and law-like pronouncements. After introducing this case, I briefly tracing the evolution and meaning of the term rhetoric and examine the relationship between rhetoric and law. I next explore the connection between rhetoric and ideology, which is crystallized in the form of the ideograph and its use as a tool of what is known as critical rhetoric. Finally, I show how critical legal rhetoric is achieved by bringing critical rhetoric to law, and thereafter apply critical legal rhetoric to the case of 'In Re African American Slave Descendants'.
{"title":"A Critical Legal Rhetoric Approach to In Re African-American Slave Descendants Litigation","authors":"L. B. Inniss","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1120364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1120364","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I apply critical legal rhetoric to the judicial opinion rendered in response to the Defendants' Motion to Dismiss Plaintiffs' Second Amended and Consolidated Complaint in 'In Re African American Slave Descendants', a case concerning the efforts of a group of modern-day descendants of enslaved African-Americans to obtain redress for the harms of slavery. The chief methodological framework for performing critical legal rhetorical analysis comes from the work of Marouf Hasian, Jr. particularly his schema for analysis which he calls substantive units in critical legal rhetoric. Critical legal rhetoric is a potent tool for exposing the way in which the public ideologies of society and the private ideologies of jurists, legislators and other legal actors are manifested in legal and law-like pronouncements. After introducing this case, I briefly tracing the evolution and meaning of the term rhetoric and examine the relationship between rhetoric and law. I next explore the connection between rhetoric and ideology, which is crystallized in the form of the ideograph and its use as a tool of what is known as critical rhetoric. Finally, I show how critical legal rhetoric is achieved by bringing critical rhetoric to law, and thereafter apply critical legal rhetoric to the case of 'In Re African American Slave Descendants'.","PeriodicalId":148953,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128183425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hurricane Katrina operated like a CT or MRI scan on governance in the United States and the results were not pretty. It is widely agreed that our separated system of federal, state, and local jurisdictions did not work together and did not work well. In this short article, I first survey the harm done by our federal system, then offer some historical perspective on what went wrong, and finally try to analyze what, if anything, we can learn from this experience.
{"title":"Stop Federalism Before it Kills Again: Reflections on Hurricane Katrina","authors":"S. Griffin","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.894470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.894470","url":null,"abstract":"Hurricane Katrina operated like a CT or MRI scan on governance in the United States and the results were not pretty. It is widely agreed that our separated system of federal, state, and local jurisdictions did not work together and did not work well. In this short article, I first survey the harm done by our federal system, then offer some historical perspective on what went wrong, and finally try to analyze what, if anything, we can learn from this experience.","PeriodicalId":148953,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development","volume":"519 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134238827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.1016/b978-0-240-80852-9.50016-9
Elizabeth L. Lascoutx
{"title":"Children's Advertising Review Unit","authors":"Elizabeth L. Lascoutx","doi":"10.1016/b978-0-240-80852-9.50016-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1016/b978-0-240-80852-9.50016-9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":148953,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development","volume":"128 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126978425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On July 30, 2009, President Obama convened the “beer summit,” a metaphorical mediation. President Obama invited Professor Henry Louis Gates, a well-respected African American Academic, and Police Sergeant James Crowley, a Caucasian, to the White House Rose Garden to resolve the issues surrounding the arrest of Professor Gates in his own home by Sergeant Crowley. Using the beer summit as a springboard, this article challenges the long held taboo proscribing the mediation of civil rights violations as racial profiling. The author raises the limitation of litigation, highlights existing effective mediation models, and suggests protocols to be considered when designing mediation programs to address to racism.
{"title":"Dispute Resolution Lessons Gleaned from the Arrest of Professor Gates and ‘The Beer Summit’","authors":"Elayne E. Greenberg","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1826211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1826211","url":null,"abstract":"On July 30, 2009, President Obama convened the “beer summit,” a metaphorical mediation. President Obama invited Professor Henry Louis Gates, a well-respected African American Academic, and Police Sergeant James Crowley, a Caucasian, to the White House Rose Garden to resolve the issues surrounding the arrest of Professor Gates in his own home by Sergeant Crowley. Using the beer summit as a springboard, this article challenges the long held taboo proscribing the mediation of civil rights violations as racial profiling. The author raises the limitation of litigation, highlights existing effective mediation models, and suggests protocols to be considered when designing mediation programs to address to racism.","PeriodicalId":148953,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122279636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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