Huey Newton, " Revolutionary Suicide, " " To Die for the People. " CR. Mickey Melendez: " We Took the Streets. " CR. Film: A
休伊·牛顿，《革命自杀》《为人民而死》米奇·梅伦德斯议员:“我们走上街头。”CR.电影:A
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Pub Date : 2020-02-25DOI: 10.14325/MISSISSIPPI/9781496827944.003.0006
Lisa Corrigan
Chapter 6 examines how the absence of hope and the collapse into black pessimism were driven by the exposure of white liberalism’s collaborations with anti-black political rhetoric through the language of “law and order,” through the expansion of the FBI’s harassment and surveillance of Black Power activists, and through the expansion of mass incarceration. Using Huey Newton’s writings, this chapter charts how revolutionary suicide operates both as a Black Power meme as a well as a repository of feelings about black Being in a colonial state where blacks have been denied both thinking and feeling as avenues of expression. With specific focus on the rhetorical form of the eulogy, this chapter describes how Newton’s revolutionary suicide is an attempt to reconcile assassination and repression with possibilities for black agency through what Corrigan calls “necromimesis,” but it demonstrates how little room there was for black activists to politically maneuver by 1971 as the nation consolidated racial feelings around law and order politics and new conservatism.
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This chapter examines Martin Luther King, Jr.’s production of the “beloved community” that he wanted to produce through direct action protests in places like Birmingham, Selma, and Chicago. It evaluates how hope, disappointment, indignation, and despair framed King’s direct action and the SCLC’s intimate relationship with the black middle class, the White House, and white liberals. After John F. Kennedy’s assassination, King’s faith and optimism were shaken and his language about emotion shifted as he was forced to reconsider and respond to the use of rage as a black political emotion because the decade gave way to a more militant black posture about the white political and emotional inadequacies. Corrigan argues that white failure to perform intimate citizenship limited the civil rights movement and fueled rhetorical expressions that engaged a very different emotional repertoire for both whites and blacks. Many of King’s discourses, especially in relation to Birmingham, focused on the relationship between hope and despair as he attempted to translate black feelings about civil rights to white publics as the crisis of hope deepened in 1963.
本章考察了马丁·路德·金通过在伯明翰、塞尔玛和芝加哥等地的直接行动抗议来实现的“心爱的社区”。它评估了希望、失望、愤怒和绝望如何塑造了金的直接行动，以及SCLC与黑人中产阶级、白宫和白人自由派的亲密关系。约翰·f·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)遇刺后，马丁·路德·金的信仰和乐观情绪受到了动摇，他关于情感的语言也发生了变化，因为他被迫重新考虑并回应将愤怒作为黑人政治情感的做法，因为在这十年里，黑人对白人政治和情感上的不足采取了更为激进的姿态。科里根认为，白人未能履行亲密公民身份限制了民权运动，并助长了修辞表达，这些修辞表达涉及白人和黑人非常不同的情感曲目。马丁·路德·金的许多演讲，尤其是与伯明翰有关的，都集中在希望与绝望之间的关系上，因为他试图将黑人对民权的感受传达给白人公众，因为1963年的希望危机加深了。
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