Pub Date : 2021-09-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0007
Gilles Dorival
Catenae appeared in Judaea/Palestine at the beginning of the sixth century. They consist of commentaries, homilies, scholia of the past centuries, and any other literary form in which Scripture verses are explained. Ecclesiastical writings are quoted in the form of extracts, sometimes literal, sometimes rewritten, according to the order of the verses of each Biblical book. Each extract is normally preceded by the name of its author in the genitive case. With time, the catenae were formed not only from commentaries, homilies, scholia, and other patristic writings, but also from pre-existing catenae mixed with these sources. After the sixth century, catenae became the most important media of biblical commentary until the end of the Byzantium Empire (1453). Many debated issues remain. Is Procopius of Gaza (470–530) the father of the catenae? Maybe the two-author catenae predate him, even if this form is better connected with the Byzantine humanism of the ninth and tenth centuries. As for the multiple-author catenae, it is not certain if any of them do are prior Procopius. The compilers of the catenae began their project with the Old Testament, as it was considered to be obscure and foundational to the New Testament, whereas the New Testament was considered to be clear and explicative of the Old Testament. The identity of the compilers of the catenae is shrouded in mystery. Only a few names are known: chiefly, Procopius of Gaza in Palestine and Nicetas of Heraclea in Constantinople. Other names have been proposed: the patriarch Photius, Peter of Laodicea, John Drougarios, but without any persuasive arguments. A final issue concerns Monophysite (or Miaphysite) catenae: were some catenae Monophysite? Or was this literary form indifferent to questions of orthodoxy? In some catenae, Severus of Antioch is called ‘saint’, which may indicate a Monophysite origin. Finally, despite recent progress, many catenae still await publication. For instance, Nicetas’ catena on the Psalms is a monumental work of Byzantine scholarship and it deserves to be available to modern readers.
{"title":"An Overview of the Catenae","authors":"Gilles Dorival","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Catenae appeared in Judaea/Palestine at the beginning of the sixth century. They consist of commentaries, homilies, scholia of the past centuries, and any other literary form in which Scripture verses are explained. Ecclesiastical writings are quoted in the form of extracts, sometimes literal, sometimes rewritten, according to the order of the verses of each Biblical book. Each extract is normally preceded by the name of its author in the genitive case. With time, the catenae were formed not only from commentaries, homilies, scholia, and other patristic writings, but also from pre-existing catenae mixed with these sources. After the sixth century, catenae became the most important media of biblical commentary until the end of the Byzantium Empire (1453). Many debated issues remain. Is Procopius of Gaza (470–530) the father of the catenae? Maybe the two-author catenae predate him, even if this form is better connected with the Byzantine humanism of the ninth and tenth centuries. As for the multiple-author catenae, it is not certain if any of them do are prior Procopius. The compilers of the catenae began their project with the Old Testament, as it was considered to be obscure and foundational to the New Testament, whereas the New Testament was considered to be clear and explicative of the Old Testament. The identity of the compilers of the catenae is shrouded in mystery. Only a few names are known: chiefly, Procopius of Gaza in Palestine and Nicetas of Heraclea in Constantinople. Other names have been proposed: the patriarch Photius, Peter of Laodicea, John Drougarios, but without any persuasive arguments. A final issue concerns Monophysite (or Miaphysite) catenae: were some catenae Monophysite? Or was this literary form indifferent to questions of orthodoxy? In some catenae, Severus of Antioch is called ‘saint’, which may indicate a Monophysite origin. Finally, despite recent progress, many catenae still await publication. For instance, Nicetas’ catena on the Psalms is a monumental work of Byzantine scholarship and it deserves to be available to modern readers.","PeriodicalId":165559,"journal":{"name":"The Septuagint from Alexandria to Constantinople","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132387292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0001
Gilles Dorival
The word canon means a list of biblical books understood as being inspired by God, and therefore normative, enumerated according to a given order and in a determined number. There were three great theories about the canon: Levita (1538), Grabe (1715) and the classic theory (end of the nineteenth century), according to which the canon results from a historical process, first the canonization of the Law (between 450 and 400 BCE), then Prophets’ one (third century), and last Writings’ one (during the Hasmonean period or at the end of the first century in Jabneh). Rectifications to the classic model must be provided. In the second stage, it is inappropriate to speak about a canonization of the Prophets; this canonization included both the Torah and the Prophets: they are not two separate orders, but a single corpus at the same level. On the other hand, one must distinguish two Jewish canons. The first one is defined by Law and Prophets and can be dated back to the third century BCE. The second one involves three orders with a ranking: first, the Torah that, second, the Prophets repeat and reinforce, and which, third, the Writings repeat. It dates back to the years 200 CE. So, maybe the classic three-stage model has to be changed into a two-stage model: first, the Torah and the Prophets; second, the Torah, the Prophets, and the Writings. In other words, the canonization involving only the Torah may never have occurred. But this scenario is not fully established and the classic theory must be kept for the moment.
{"title":"The Formation of the Jewish Canon","authors":"Gilles Dorival","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0001","url":null,"abstract":"The word canon means a list of biblical books understood as being inspired by God, and therefore normative, enumerated according to a given order and in a determined number. There were three great theories about the canon: Levita (1538), Grabe (1715) and the classic theory (end of the nineteenth century), according to which the canon results from a historical process, first the canonization of the Law (between 450 and 400 BCE), then Prophets’ one (third century), and last Writings’ one (during the Hasmonean period or at the end of the first century in Jabneh). Rectifications to the classic model must be provided. In the second stage, it is inappropriate to speak about a canonization of the Prophets; this canonization included both the Torah and the Prophets: they are not two separate orders, but a single corpus at the same level. On the other hand, one must distinguish two Jewish canons. The first one is defined by Law and Prophets and can be dated back to the third century BCE. The second one involves three orders with a ranking: first, the Torah that, second, the Prophets repeat and reinforce, and which, third, the Writings repeat. It dates back to the years 200 CE. So, maybe the classic three-stage model has to be changed into a two-stage model: first, the Torah and the Prophets; second, the Torah, the Prophets, and the Writings. In other words, the canonization involving only the Torah may never have occurred. But this scenario is not fully established and the classic theory must be kept for the moment.","PeriodicalId":165559,"journal":{"name":"The Septuagint from Alexandria to Constantinople","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122878438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0008
Gilles Dorival
During the time of Procopius (sixth century), the catenae arranged the sacred text in the same way as the Christian commentaries before them: the Septuagint is quoted verse by verse and occupies the first position; the commentary then comes below it. This layout can be called a full-page disposition. Sometime during the second half of the seventh century the full-page model began to be replaced by a marginal layout. The reference unit is not the single folio, but the whole surface constituted by two following folios facing one other: first a given even folio, second the corresponding odd folio. The biblical text is written in the centre of each of these two folios; and the fragments of the catenae are written around it, in the upper margin, the lateral margin, and the lower margin. This marginal layout developed out of the two-column layout, in which the left column gives the biblical text and the right one, the fragments. This layout comes from the scholia. It is preserved in a few manuscripts, such as the Coislinianus 360 and the Vaticanus Barberinianus gr. 455. Witnesses of the marginal layout are numerous in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries. From the twelfth century to the end of Byzantium in the fifteenth, there was a return to the full-page layout. Besides the layout, the writing system emphasized the biblical text. Several arrangements are found, for instance the biblical text can be written with uppercase letters, whereas the catena uses lowercase. A most important aspect of these catenae is the form of the text of the Septuagint that is given in the catenae. As a rule, the compilers gave the text of the Septuagint in use in their monasteries or churches at the time of the compilation. But, in the extracts of the patristic authors, the quotations of the Scriptures are not aligned with this reference text. All in all, there are very few studies of the biblical text of the catenae. Much work remains to be done. Some of the compilers had a great interest in Biblical glosses, as well as in Jewish revisions. It is time for a new publication of Lexeis of the 150 Psalms, the first edition of Joseph Pasini is now dated (1749). And the catenae offer many unpublished readings coming from Origen’s Hexapla.
在普罗科匹厄斯(Procopius)时期(六世纪)，catenae以与之前的基督教注释相同的方式排列神圣的文本:《七十士译本》(七十士译本)被逐节引用，占据了第一的位置;然后评论出现在它的下面。这种布局可以称为整页布局。在七世纪下半叶的某个时候，整页版式开始被边缘版式所取代。参考单元不是单个的对开本，而是由以下两个对开本相互面对构成的整个曲面:首先是给定的偶数对开本，其次是相应的奇对开本。圣经文本写在这两个对开本的中间;链链的碎片被写在它周围，在上边缘，侧边缘和下边缘。这种边缘版式是从两栏版式发展而来的，左边一栏是圣经文本，右边一栏是片断。这个布局来自学校。它被保存在一些手稿中，如Coislinianus 360和Vaticanus Barberinianus gr. 455。在九世纪、十世纪和十一世纪，有很多人见证了这种边缘布局。从十二世纪到十五世纪拜占庭帝国末期，又回到了整页排版。除了布局，文字系统强调圣经文本。有几种写法，例如圣经文本可以用大写字母书写，而catena则使用小写字母。这些链表最重要的一个方面是在链表中给出的七十士译本的文本形式。通常，编纂者在编撰时，会提供他们的修道院或教堂所使用的七十士译本。但是，在教父作者的摘录中，圣经的引语与这个参考文本并不一致。总而言之，很少有人研究《圣经》中关于连环事件的文本。还有许多工作要做。一些编纂者对圣经的注释和犹太版本都很感兴趣。现在是时候出版《150首诗篇》的新版本了，约瑟夫·帕西尼的第一版现在是1749年。链表提供了许多来自俄利根六轴结构的未发表的解读。
{"title":"The Catenae and the Septuagint","authors":"Gilles Dorival","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"During the time of Procopius (sixth century), the catenae arranged the sacred text in the same way as the Christian commentaries before them: the Septuagint is quoted verse by verse and occupies the first position; the commentary then comes below it. This layout can be called a full-page disposition. Sometime during the second half of the seventh century the full-page model began to be replaced by a marginal layout. The reference unit is not the single folio, but the whole surface constituted by two following folios facing one other: first a given even folio, second the corresponding odd folio. The biblical text is written in the centre of each of these two folios; and the fragments of the catenae are written around it, in the upper margin, the lateral margin, and the lower margin. This marginal layout developed out of the two-column layout, in which the left column gives the biblical text and the right one, the fragments. This layout comes from the scholia. It is preserved in a few manuscripts, such as the Coislinianus 360 and the Vaticanus Barberinianus gr. 455. Witnesses of the marginal layout are numerous in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries. From the twelfth century to the end of Byzantium in the fifteenth, there was a return to the full-page layout. Besides the layout, the writing system emphasized the biblical text. Several arrangements are found, for instance the biblical text can be written with uppercase letters, whereas the catena uses lowercase. A most important aspect of these catenae is the form of the text of the Septuagint that is given in the catenae. As a rule, the compilers gave the text of the Septuagint in use in their monasteries or churches at the time of the compilation. But, in the extracts of the patristic authors, the quotations of the Scriptures are not aligned with this reference text. All in all, there are very few studies of the biblical text of the catenae. Much work remains to be done. Some of the compilers had a great interest in Biblical glosses, as well as in Jewish revisions. It is time for a new publication of Lexeis of the 150 Psalms, the first edition of Joseph Pasini is now dated (1749). And the catenae offer many unpublished readings coming from Origen’s Hexapla.","PeriodicalId":165559,"journal":{"name":"The Septuagint from Alexandria to Constantinople","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121675301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0006
Gilles Dorival
The role of the Septuagint in the building of the Christian identity during the first Christian centuries is more important than it is generally said. The word ‘testament’ or ‘covenant’, for example, comes from the Septuagint, via the New Testament. The Greek and Latin liturgies are filled with references to the Septuagint. The same is true in the case of the Christian spirituality: for instance, the concept of the Christian life as a migration comes from the Septuagint. The Christian hermeneutics is indebted to the Greek Bible: even if knowledge of the allegorical method comes from the Greek philosophers (and Philo), support could be found for it in the verses of the Greek Bible. Finally, the theological vocabulary of the Christians was founded upon the Greek Bible. For instance, in the case of the doctrine of the Trinity, the word ‘person’ comes from the Septuagint. Furthermore, some passages of the Greek translation gave rise to theological interpretations which are not possible on the grounds of the Hebrew text. In Gen 1:2, the Septuagint reads ‘the earth was invisible and unorganized’ and this came to be quoted both in support of the creation of matter ex nihilo. In Exod 17:16, where the Hebrew has a difficult hapax legomenon, the Greek speaks about the ‘hidden hand’ with which the Lord makes war against Amalek; this ‘hidden hand’ played a role in the Christian doctrine of the Logos, which is hidden in the Old Testament.
{"title":"The Vocabulary of the Septuagint and the Church Fathers","authors":"Gilles Dorival","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0006","url":null,"abstract":"The role of the Septuagint in the building of the Christian identity during the first Christian centuries is more important than it is generally said. The word ‘testament’ or ‘covenant’, for example, comes from the Septuagint, via the New Testament. The Greek and Latin liturgies are filled with references to the Septuagint. The same is true in the case of the Christian spirituality: for instance, the concept of the Christian life as a migration comes from the Septuagint. The Christian hermeneutics is indebted to the Greek Bible: even if knowledge of the allegorical method comes from the Greek philosophers (and Philo), support could be found for it in the verses of the Greek Bible. Finally, the theological vocabulary of the Christians was founded upon the Greek Bible. For instance, in the case of the doctrine of the Trinity, the word ‘person’ comes from the Septuagint. Furthermore, some passages of the Greek translation gave rise to theological interpretations which are not possible on the grounds of the Hebrew text. In Gen 1:2, the Septuagint reads ‘the earth was invisible and unorganized’ and this came to be quoted both in support of the creation of matter ex nihilo. In Exod 17:16, where the Hebrew has a difficult hapax legomenon, the Greek speaks about the ‘hidden hand’ with which the Lord makes war against Amalek; this ‘hidden hand’ played a role in the Christian doctrine of the Logos, which is hidden in the Old Testament.","PeriodicalId":165559,"journal":{"name":"The Septuagint from Alexandria to Constantinople","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132962536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0004
Gilles Dorival
On the one hand, all of the deuterocanonical books and all of the supplements to Daniel, Esther, Jeremiah have Jewish origin. In fact, there are only five Christian texts within the Septuagint, perhaps six, if Job 42:17a originated from a Christian circle (which is less likely than from a Jewish milieu). The five texts are found in the Psalter. After Psa 13:3ab, Psa 13:3c–j gives a lengthy quotation of Paul’s Rom 3:12–18. In the Odes, there are four Christian texts: three passages of Luke and one ecclesiastical composition. On the other hand, New Testament verses are introduced into the Septuagint. There are, at most, 159 possible Christianized verses listed for the whole of the Septuagint of which twenty-five occur in Psalms. Of these twenty-five, nine have very limited Christianization: the verses that align with the New Testament text occur only in one, two, or three manuscripts. There are twelve cases of partial Christianization attested in more than three manuscripts and there is only one example of a complete Christianization: Psa 39:7b (40:7b MT), but even this is debated among scholars. Finally, it happens that a few words (less than half a verse) are added into the verses of the Septuagint. There are just six potential Christian additions of this kind. Of these, Psa 65:1a has to be removed. Five cases remain: Psa 37:14a; 37:21c; 49:6a; 50:9a, and 95:10a. The latter is the most famous example: instead of ‘say among the nations: “the Lord became king”’, the Coptic versions, some manuscripts and some Fathers offer ‘say among the nations: “the Lord became king from (the) wood”’. So, a connection is established between the Lord of the Psalm and the wood of Jesus’ cross. In sum, the Septuagint text is very little Christianized: the translation remains remarkably close to its Jewish origin.
{"title":"Was the Text of the Septuagint Christianized?","authors":"Gilles Dorival","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898098.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"On the one hand, all of the deuterocanonical books and all of the supplements to Daniel, Esther, Jeremiah have Jewish origin. In fact, there are only five Christian texts within the Septuagint, perhaps six, if Job 42:17a originated from a Christian circle (which is less likely than from a Jewish milieu). The five texts are found in the Psalter. After Psa 13:3ab, Psa 13:3c–j gives a lengthy quotation of Paul’s Rom 3:12–18. In the Odes, there are four Christian texts: three passages of Luke and one ecclesiastical composition. On the other hand, New Testament verses are introduced into the Septuagint. There are, at most, 159 possible Christianized verses listed for the whole of the Septuagint of which twenty-five occur in Psalms. Of these twenty-five, nine have very limited Christianization: the verses that align with the New Testament text occur only in one, two, or three manuscripts. There are twelve cases of partial Christianization attested in more than three manuscripts and there is only one example of a complete Christianization: Psa 39:7b (40:7b MT), but even this is debated among scholars. Finally, it happens that a few words (less than half a verse) are added into the verses of the Septuagint. There are just six potential Christian additions of this kind. Of these, Psa 65:1a has to be removed. Five cases remain: Psa 37:14a; 37:21c; 49:6a; 50:9a, and 95:10a. The latter is the most famous example: instead of ‘say among the nations: “the Lord became king”’, the Coptic versions, some manuscripts and some Fathers offer ‘say among the nations: “the Lord became king from (the) wood”’. So, a connection is established between the Lord of the Psalm and the wood of Jesus’ cross. In sum, the Septuagint text is very little Christianized: the translation remains remarkably close to its Jewish origin.","PeriodicalId":165559,"journal":{"name":"The Septuagint from Alexandria to Constantinople","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127140699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：