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Conveying the Problem(s) and Representing Personhood 传达问题和代表人格
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0009
Lindsey N. Kingston
Chapter 8 explores the international community’s responses to these hierarchies of personhood by considering how violated rights to place and purpose have been communicated and interpreted. Drawing on concepts such as issue emergence, visual narratives, and framing, this chapter assesses the ways that human rights concerns are represented. This assessment is useful for better understanding the ways in which vulnerabilities to human rights abuse are constructed and translated for media consumption, fundraising initiatives, and public advocacy campaigns. At the same time, this analysis also highlights how the problems stemming from lack of functioning citizenship receive vastly different responses depending on political circumstances—including how they align with the hierarchies of personhood that operate at local, state, and international levels. Ultimately, this chapter argues that we must reevaluate the ways that we see problems related to lack of functioning citizenship, which includes facilitating the empowerment and representation of vulnerable communities.
第8章探讨了国际社会对这些人格等级的反应,考虑了被侵犯的地点和目的权是如何被传达和解释的。本章利用诸如问题出现、视觉叙事和框架等概念,评估了人权问题的表现方式。这一评估有助于更好地理解在媒体消费、筹款倡议和公共宣传运动中如何构建和转化侵犯人权的脆弱性。同时,这一分析也强调了由于缺乏有效的公民身份而产生的问题是如何根据不同的政治环境而得到截然不同的回应的——包括它们如何与地方、州和国际层面的人格等级制度相一致。最后,本章认为,我们必须重新评估我们看待与缺乏有效公民身份相关的问题的方式,其中包括促进弱势群体的赋权和代表。
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引用次数: 0
Forced Displacement and Broken Ties 被迫流离失所和断绝关系
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0004
Lindsey N. Kingston
Although most forcibly displaced persons are legal nationals of a state, they lack functioning citizenship with their governments. In fact, their governments are often responsible for the human rights abuses and conflicts that prompted their displacement to begin with. While some protections under international law are meant to fill the gaps created by these broken ties, in reality the displaced suffer widespread human rights abuses in the absence of a reliable state duty-bearer. Anti–Syrian refugee sentiments in Europe, refugee detention in Australia, and the stubborn refusal to acknowledge many “illegal immigrants” as asylum-seekers in North America are just a few examples of the severe challenges to basic human rights the forcibly displaced face in the absence of functioning citizenship. The inadequacies of refugee rights, including the false assumption that displacement is anything less than normal in our current system, lead to glaring denials of the rights to place and purpose for the displaced.
虽然大多数被迫流离失所者是一个国家的合法国民,但他们缺乏其政府的有效公民身份。事实上,他们的政府往往要对导致他们流离失所的侵犯人权和冲突负责。虽然国际法下的一些保护旨在填补这些关系破裂所造成的空白,但实际上,在缺乏可靠的国家责任承担者的情况下,流离失所者遭受了广泛的人权侵犯。欧洲的反叙利亚难民情绪,澳大利亚的难民拘留,以及北美顽固地拒绝承认许多“非法移民”是寻求庇护者,这些只是在缺乏有效公民身份的情况下,被迫流离失所者面临的基本人权严重挑战的几个例子。难民权利的不足,包括认为流离失所在我们目前的制度中是不正常的错误假设,导致流离失所者的安置和目的权利遭到明显否认。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous Nations and Tribal Sovereignty 土著民族和部落主权
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0007
Lindsey N. Kingston
The indigenous rights movement has embraced the idea of self-determination for framing their demands for economic, political, and cultural survival. Indeed, calls for tribal sovereignty problematize the international community’s central focus on state governments for legitimizing human rights claimants. For communities such as the Onondaga Nation of Central New York, state membership comes second to the ties that bind one to an indigenous nation. (Indeed, the Onondaga Nation maintains a legally distinct territory just outside Syracuse, New York, and some members have rejected US citizenship in favor of tribe-issued passports.) While this chapter explores the historical trajectory leading to modern indigenous rights concerns—which include an ongoing process of cultural genocide—it focuses on how indigenous nations and tribal sovereignty challenge the reliance on state citizenship for recognizing personhood and claiming human rights. Calls for indigenous sovereignty offer alternative pathways for conceptualizing identification, legal status, and political membership.
土著权利运动已经接受了自决的理念,以此来构建他们对经济、政治和文化生存的要求。实际上,部落主权的要求使国际社会把重点放在使人权要求者合法化的州政府上的做法出现了问题。对于像纽约州中部的奥农达加民族这样的社区来说,州成员身份排在与土著民族的联系之后。(事实上,奥内达加部落在纽约州锡拉丘兹城外保留着一块法律上独特的领土,一些成员拒绝获得美国公民身份,转而使用部落签发的护照。)虽然本章探讨了导致现代土著权利问题的历史轨迹,其中包括正在进行的文化种族灭绝过程,但它侧重于土著民族和部落主权如何挑战对国家公民身份的依赖,以承认人格和要求人权。对土著主权的呼吁为概念化身份、法律地位和政治成员资格提供了另一种途径。
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引用次数: 0
Actualizing the Ideal of Functioning Citizenship 实现功能性公民的理想
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0010
Lindsey N. Kingston
Guided by the limitations of traditional citizenship, Chapter 9 seeks to move the ideal of functioning citizenship from theory to practice. After we reevaluate how we see the problem, we must then adjust our responses it. This chapter first offers “practical” recommendations for filling protection gaps and alleviating some immediate causes of human suffering. These recommendations include legal, bureaucratic, and policy responses to hierarchies of personhood. While these steps are useful starting points, they are not (and will never be) enough. Instead, actualizing the ideal of functioning citizenship further requires expanding our notion of citizenship to include political space for those who cannot be neatly categorized as citizens or noncitizens. By acknowledging the limitations of our current system—and recognizing the existence of hierarchies of personhood—we can begin the difficult work of broadening political membership and de-linking worthiness from legal status and state recognition.
第九章以传统公民权的局限性为指导,试图将功能公民权的理想从理论走向实践。在我们重新评估我们如何看待问题之后,我们必须调整我们的反应。本章首先为填补保护空白和减轻人类痛苦的一些直接原因提供了“实际”建议。这些建议包括对人格等级制度的法律、官僚和政策反应。虽然这些步骤是有用的起点,但它们是不够的(也永远不会)。相反,实现功能性公民的理想需要进一步扩展我们的公民概念,为那些不能被清晰地划分为公民或非公民的人提供政治空间。通过承认我们现行制度的局限性,并承认人格等级的存在,我们可以开始扩大政治成员资格,并将价值与法律地位和国家承认脱钩的艰巨工作。
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引用次数: 0
Second-Class Citizens in the “Land of the Free” “自由之地”的二等公民
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0008
Lindsey N. Kingston
Chapter 7 shifts the discussion to focus specifically on the case study of the United States, where “second-class” citizens are often unable to access fully functioning citizenship and enjoy their rights to place and purpose. Drawing from the work of Margaret Somers, the “contractualization of citizenship” and “color-blind” politics often lead to situations of “internal statelessness” in one of the world’s wealthiest, most powerful countries. Issues of police brutality and inequality before the law arise from pervasive systems of unequal citizenship and structural violence against racial minorities, many of whom occupy lower socioeconomic classes than their White counterparts in American cities such as Detroit, Flint, and Saint Louis. Human rights challenges such as forced eviction, lack of clean drinking water and affordable healthcare, and widespread racial inequalities highlight the ways many people are denied their full rights to place and purpose despite their status as American citizens.
第7章将讨论重点转移到美国的案例研究上,在美国,“二等”公民往往无法获得充分发挥作用的公民身份,无法享受他们的位置和目的权利。根据玛格丽特•萨默斯(Margaret Somers)的研究,在世界上最富有、最强大的国家之一,“公民身份的契约化”和“色盲”政治往往会导致“内部无国籍”的局面。警察暴行和法律面前的不平等问题源于普遍存在的不平等公民身份制度和针对少数族裔的结构性暴力,在底特律、弗林特和圣路易斯等美国城市,许多少数族裔的社会经济地位低于白人。强迫驱逐、缺乏清洁饮用水和负担得起的医疗保健以及普遍存在的种族不平等等人权挑战突出表明,许多人尽管拥有美国公民的身份,却被剥夺了充分的居住和目的权利。
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引用次数: 0
The Changing Value and Meaning of Citizenship 公民身份价值与意义的变迁
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0002
Lindsey N. Kingston
Chapter 1 shows how the value and meaning of citizenship have evolved within political thought, with particular attention to the intensification of debates in relation to the protection of modern human rights. With the creation of the United Nations and the adoption of rights norms, the international community made assumptions about identity and membership that effectively limited the inclusiveness of so-called universal rights. By privileging state sovereignty and legal nationality, the human rights regime created protection gaps for noncitizens and people at the margins. Scholars continue to debate whether globalization has eroded the importance of state citizenship and the nation-state, or whether it has in fact strengthened the state’s role in the world system. I argue that citizenship continues to have persistent power and appeal, and that this complex concept is often conversely viewed as a right, an identity, and a commodity.
第一章展示了公民身份的价值和意义是如何在政治思想中演变的,并特别关注与保护现代人权有关的辩论的加剧。随着联合国的成立和权利规范的采用,国际社会对身份和成员作出了假设,有效地限制了所谓普遍权利的包容性。通过赋予国家主权和合法国籍以特权,人权制度为非公民和处于边缘地位的人制造了保护缺口。学者们继续争论全球化是否削弱了国家公民身份和民族国家的重要性,或者它是否实际上加强了国家在世界体系中的作用。我认为,公民身份仍然具有持久的力量和吸引力,而这个复杂的概念往往被相反地视为一种权利、一种身份和一种商品。
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引用次数: 0
Statelessness and Elusive Political Membership 无国籍和难以捉摸的政治成员资格
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0003
Lindsey N. Kingston
Statelessness is recognized not only as a violation of the “right to a nationality” but also as a root cause of additional rights abuses. Yet while legal nationality is an essential prerequisite for the mere possibility of enjoying basic human rights, the international community’s narrow emphasis on citizenship acquisition is misguided. Legal status is only one step in a long journey toward full rights protection; statelessness is both a cause of marginalization and a symptom of it. That is, most stateless populations lack legal nationality because they face systematic discrimination from the beginning. Their circumstances are worsened by statelessness, but legal status alone cannot guarantee full rights protection. Rather than relying on the acquisition of legal nationality to ensure access to human rights, advocates must acknowledge the deeply rooted complexities of statelessness and seek out solutions that guarantee functioning citizenship rather than simple legal status.
无国籍状态不仅被认为是对“国籍权”的侵犯,而且也是其他侵犯权利行为的根源。然而,虽然合法国籍是享受基本人权可能性的必要先决条件,但国际社会狭隘地强调获得公民身份是错误的。法律地位只是实现充分权利保护的漫漫长路中的一步;无国籍状态既是边缘化的原因,也是边缘化的症状。也就是说,大多数无国籍人口缺乏合法国籍,因为他们从一开始就面临系统性的歧视。他们的处境因无国籍而恶化,但仅靠法律地位不能保证充分的权利保护。与其依靠获得合法国籍来确保获得人权,倡导者必须承认无国籍状态根深蒂固的复杂性,并寻求解决方案,以保证有效的公民身份,而不是简单的法律地位。
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引用次数: 0
Nomadic Peoples and Alternate Conceptions of Place 游牧民族和不同的地方观念
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0006
Lindsey N. Kingston
Under pressure from sedentary majority populations, nomadic peoples face serious threats to their cultural survival and livelihood. Nomadic groups have long faced suspicion and discrimination—as illustrated by the ongoing marginalization of European Roma and Travellers, the Maasai of Tanzania and Kenya, and the Bedouin of the MENA region—and modern societies tend to see human rights, including the basic rights of freedom of movement and property rights, through a lens that privileges settlement. Indeed, nomadic peoples are often viewed with suspicion and excluded from the citizenry because they move “too much” and do not conform to majority views related to settlement, land use, and community membership. This bias leaves nomadic peoples without functioning citizenship in regard to state governments, who fail to understand their basic needs and perspectives. Resulting rights abuses center not only on rights to land and natural resources but also on cultural and political expression.
在定居的多数人口的压力下,游牧民族的文化生存和生计面临严重威胁。游牧群体长期以来一直面临着怀疑和歧视——欧洲罗姆人和游民、坦桑尼亚和肯尼亚的马赛人以及中东和北非地区的贝都因人的持续边缘化就说明了这一点——现代社会倾向于通过特权定居的视角来看待人权,包括行动自由和财产权的基本权利。事实上,游牧民族经常被怀疑,并被排除在公民之外,因为他们移动“太多”,不符合大多数人对定居、土地使用和社区成员资格的看法。这种偏见使得游牧民族在国家政府面前无法发挥公民的作用,因为国家政府不了解他们的基本需求和观点。由此产生的权利滥用不仅集中在土地和自然资源的权利上,还集中在文化和政治表达上。
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引用次数: 1
Irregular Human Movement and the Creation of Liminal Spaces 不规则的人体运动与阈限空间的创造
Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190918262.003.0005
Lindsey N. Kingston
Various forms of illicit human movement leave many individuals without functioning citizenship, often because they are outside their country of legal nationality and cannot claim rights for fear of arrest, deportation, or some other form of retribution. These categories of migration include irregular migration—sometimes called “illegal” or “undocumented” migration—as well as those who, often as part of this process, cross borders via human smuggling or trafficking. Here we see definitional lines blurring; there are debates about who counts as a migrant versus a refugee, at what point smuggling becomes trafficking, and so forth. In some cases, lack of functioning citizenship is what necessitates migration in the first place. Yet these forms of illicit movement also create liminal spaces where migrants and trafficking victims exist outside the law, beyond the reach of functioning citizenship where they are dangerously vulnerable to rights abuses.
各种形式的非法人口流动使许多人失去了有效的公民身份,往往是因为他们在合法国籍国之外,由于害怕被捕、驱逐出境或其他形式的报复而无法主张权利。这些类别的移民包括非正规移民(有时被称为“非法”或“无证”移民),以及通常作为这一过程的一部分,通过人口走私或贩运跨越边界的移民。在这里,我们看到定义线模糊了;关于谁算移民,谁算难民,在什么情况下走私变成了贩卖,等等都有争论。在某些情况下,首先需要移民的是缺乏有效的公民身份。然而,这些形式的非法流动也创造了一些有限的空间,使移徙者和贩运受害者存在于法律之外,超出了有效公民身份的范围,使他们极易受到侵犯权利的危险。
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引用次数: 0
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Fully Human
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