This chapter addresses military-patriotic education in Russia. The Russian state pays increasing attention to the military-patriotic upbringing of children to elevate patriotic spirit in society and to get a larger number of motivated young men join the armed forces. In 2015, Ûnarmiâ was founded to unite the country’s fragmented military-patriotic youth organisations. The movement aims to operate in all schools in Russia. By deconstructing the hegemonic discourse of military-patriotic education, I analyse the linguistic modes in which the legitimization of Ûnarmiâ is constructed. Discourses of heroism, masculinity, a beneficial and fun hobby, being citizen-soldiers, and military traditionalism include key strategies of legitimization processes for influencing audiences. Discourses suggest that rather than preparing young people for immediate war, Ûnarmiâ's purpose is to raise patriotic citizens who support the prevailing regime and contribute to solving the demographic crisis by repeating ‘traditional’ gender roles.
{"title":"Russia’s Young Army: Raising New Generations into Militarized Patriots","authors":"Jonna Alava","doi":"10.33134/HUP-9-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33134/HUP-9-9","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter addresses military-patriotic education in Russia. The Russian state pays increasing attention to the military-patriotic upbringing of children to elevate patriotic spirit in society and to get a larger number of motivated young men join the armed forces. In 2015, Ûnarmiâ was founded to unite the country’s fragmented military-patriotic youth organisations. The movement aims to operate in all schools in Russia. By deconstructing the hegemonic discourse of military-patriotic education, I analyse the linguistic modes in which the legitimization of Ûnarmiâ is constructed. Discourses of heroism, masculinity, a beneficial and fun hobby, being citizen-soldiers, and military traditionalism include key strategies of legitimization processes for influencing audiences. Discourses suggest that rather than preparing young people for immediate war, Ûnarmiâ's purpose is to raise patriotic citizens who support the prevailing regime and contribute to solving the demographic crisis by repeating ‘traditional’ gender roles.","PeriodicalId":209045,"journal":{"name":"Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127192316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter addresses church-state collaboration in the context of ‘spiritual national defence’; it compares different views represented in cultural productions on the tragedy of the submarine Kursk, that which sank in the Barents Sea, on 12 August 2000. It suggests that the Russian secular leadership’s reluctance to deal with the management of the past, especially concerning the punishment of Stalinist oppressors, is compensated by glorifying victims – here, the seamen of the Kursk – having died on duty, as martyrs. Тhe glorification of martyrs derives from Old Testament theology of blood sacrifice (2 Moses, 24:8), and makes it possible to commemorate Muslim martyrs together with Orthodox Christian ones. Some theologians have claimed that Russia had needed these sacrifices to spiritually wake up in the post-atheist vacuum of values, and that the Russian people had to repent for having abandoned their forefathers’ Christian faith. In this line of apologetics of blood sacrifices and need to repent, the New Testament’s promise of Jesus’s complete purgation and redemption of sin through perfect sacrifice (Matt. 26:28) is not mentioned. My reading elaborates on the commemorative album Everlasting Lamp of Kursk by (then) Hegumen Mitrofan (Badanin) (2010), as well as on the drama film Kursk by Danish director Thomas Vinterberg (2018), whose film illustrates pan-European visions, based implicitly on the New Testament promise.
{"title":"Why Did the Seamen Have to Die? The Kursk Tragedy and the Evoking of Old Testament Blood Sacrifice","authors":"E. Kahla","doi":"10.33134/hup-9-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33134/hup-9-10","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter addresses church-state collaboration in the context of ‘spiritual national defence’; it compares different views represented in cultural productions on the tragedy of the submarine Kursk, that which sank in the Barents Sea, on 12 August 2000. It suggests that the Russian secular leadership’s reluctance to deal with the management of the past, especially concerning the punishment of Stalinist oppressors, is compensated by glorifying victims – here, the seamen of the Kursk – having died on duty, as martyrs. Тhe glorification of martyrs derives from Old Testament theology of blood sacrifice (2 Moses, 24:8), and makes it possible to commemorate Muslim martyrs together with Orthodox Christian ones. Some theologians have claimed that Russia had needed these sacrifices to spiritually wake up in the post-atheist vacuum of values, and that the Russian people had to repent for having abandoned their forefathers’ Christian faith. In this line of apologetics of blood sacrifices and need to repent, the New Testament’s promise of Jesus’s complete purgation and redemption of sin through perfect sacrifice (Matt. 26:28) is not mentioned. My reading elaborates on the commemorative album Everlasting Lamp of Kursk by (then) Hegumen Mitrofan (Badanin) (2010), as well as on the drama film Kursk by Danish director Thomas Vinterberg (2018), whose film illustrates pan-European visions, based implicitly on the New Testament promise.","PeriodicalId":209045,"journal":{"name":"Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion","volume":"17 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123600038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the early 2000s, the Kremlin has sought to make patriotism an overarching national ideology for Russia. In recent years, the state-promoted patriotism has become increasingly militaristic and the external threats have been more and more emphasized in the Kremlin’s discourse. At the same time, some streams of literature suggest that the majority of Russians have actually embraced the state’s vision of militaristic patriotism and the regime-promoted idea of strong political leadership over a democratic rule. Drawing on previous research and fresh and nationally representative survey data, we examine how public perceptions of patriotism relate to the state-promoted patriotism and preference for political authoritarian leadership in contemporary Russia. Our results indicate that while the Kremlin-promoted militaristic component of patriotism has slightly increased among the Russian public after the political events of 2014, it still differs from the state-imposed patriotism in many ways and remains more diverse across Russian society. Furthermore, the notion of patriotism in the mass opinion has remained by and large the same despite the ‘rallying around the flag’ after the annexation of Crimea in 2014.
{"title":"A Growing Militarism? Changing Meanings of Russian Patriotism in 2011–2017","authors":"Eemil Mitikka, M. Zavadskaya","doi":"10.33134/HUP-9-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33134/HUP-9-6","url":null,"abstract":"Since the early 2000s, the Kremlin has sought to make patriotism an overarching national ideology for Russia. In recent years, the state-promoted patriotism has become increasingly militaristic and the external threats have been more and more emphasized in the Kremlin’s discourse. At the same time, some streams of literature suggest that the majority of Russians have actually embraced the state’s vision of militaristic patriotism and the regime-promoted idea of strong political leadership over a democratic rule. Drawing on previous research and fresh and nationally representative survey data, we examine how public perceptions of patriotism relate to the state-promoted patriotism and preference for political authoritarian leadership in contemporary Russia. Our results indicate that while the Kremlin-promoted militaristic component of patriotism has slightly increased among the Russian public after the political events of 2014, it still differs from the state-imposed patriotism in many ways and remains more diverse across Russian society. Furthermore, the notion of patriotism in the mass opinion has remained by and large the same despite the ‘rallying around the flag’ after the annexation of Crimea in 2014.","PeriodicalId":209045,"journal":{"name":"Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion","volume":"536 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134379822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Conclusion","authors":"Katri Pynnöniemi","doi":"10.33134/hup-9-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33134/hup-9-11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":209045,"journal":{"name":"Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114425330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Enemy images can be thought of as scripts that articulate a logic of enmity and identify a source of threat towards the Self. In this chapter, Russian émigré philosopher Ivan Ilʹin’s identification of Russia’s enemies are used as a reference point in the analysis of the Kremlin’s strategic communication of threats. The analysis of Ilʹin’s enemy images and their juxtaposition with the Kremlin’s strategic communication of threats opens up three different but complementary scripts that explain threats and risks for Russia’s state security.
敌人的形象可以被认为是一种脚本，表达了一种敌意的逻辑，并确定了对自我的威胁来源。在本章中，俄罗斯的哲学家Ivan Il ' In对俄罗斯敌人的识别被用作分析克里姆林宫威胁战略沟通的参考点。通过对普京的敌人形象的分析，并将其与克里姆林宫对威胁的战略沟通相结合，揭示了三种不同但互补的脚本，解释了俄罗斯国家安全面临的威胁和风险。
{"title":"Ivan Ilʹin and the Kremlin’s Strategic Communication of Threats: Evil, Worthy and Hidden Enemies","authors":"Katri Pynnöniemi","doi":"10.33134/HUP-9-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33134/HUP-9-4","url":null,"abstract":"Enemy images can be thought of as scripts that articulate a logic of enmity and identify a source of threat towards the Self. In this chapter, Russian émigré philosopher Ivan Ilʹin’s identification of Russia’s enemies are used as a reference point in the analysis of the Kremlin’s strategic communication of threats. The analysis of Ilʹin’s enemy images and their juxtaposition with the Kremlin’s strategic communication of threats opens up three different but complementary scripts that explain threats and risks for Russia’s state security.","PeriodicalId":209045,"journal":{"name":"Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion","volume":"91 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127272476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historical contextualizing is essential to examining and understanding the forms of patriotism and applications of national narrative in contemporary Russia. An important aspect in the formation of collective identities are the perceptions of outer threat at any given time. In this chapter, certain aspects of the development of enemy images in Russia are briefly studied and contextualized, followed by an examination of their manifestations in the contemporary Russian politicization of history.
{"title":"Enemy Images in the Russian National Narrative","authors":"K. Parppei","doi":"10.33134/HUP-9-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33134/HUP-9-2","url":null,"abstract":"Historical contextualizing is essential to examining and understanding the forms of patriotism and applications of national narrative in contemporary Russia. An important aspect in the formation of collective identities are the perceptions of outer threat at any given time. In this chapter, certain aspects of the development of enemy images in Russia are briefly studied and contextualized, followed by an examination of their manifestations in the contemporary Russian politicization of history.","PeriodicalId":209045,"journal":{"name":"Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121902439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The demographic trends and general general scepticism among the youth towards the armed forces have created a strong impetus for the authorities to make military service more attractive to young Russian men. This chapter will provide an overview of the newly organized military-political training among the conscripts and military personnel.
{"title":"Upgrading the Image of the Russian Armed Forces: A Task Set for Military-Political Training","authors":"Arseniy Svynarenko","doi":"10.33134/HUP-9-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33134/HUP-9-8","url":null,"abstract":"The demographic trends and general general scepticism among the youth towards the armed forces have created a strong impetus for the authorities to make military service more attractive to young Russian men. This chapter will provide an overview of the newly organized military-political training among the conscripts and military personnel.","PeriodicalId":209045,"journal":{"name":"Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126473196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter analyses patriotic discourses of Russian television journalists. The starting point is that there is a certain pressure to be patriotic imposed upon journalists who work for mainstream television. Three discourses on patriotism have been identified through thematic interviews: a personal, intimate patriotism; a militaristic one - and a patriotism that draws from the narratives of ongoing information war. Russian journalists use all three discourses when they explain their attitude towards patriotism. While journalists express criticism towards militaristic undertones of official discourse, the most prominent figures in television accept and repeat it in their work.
{"title":"Patriots on Air: Reflections on Patriotism in the Minds of TV Journalists","authors":"S. Nazarenko","doi":"10.33134/hup-9-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33134/hup-9-7","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter analyses patriotic discourses of Russian television journalists. The starting point is that there is a certain pressure to be patriotic imposed upon journalists who work for mainstream television. Three discourses on patriotism have been identified through thematic interviews: a personal, intimate patriotism; a militaristic one - and a patriotism that draws from the narratives of ongoing information war. Russian journalists use all three discourses when they explain their attitude towards patriotism. While journalists express criticism towards militaristic undertones of official discourse, the most prominent figures in television accept and repeat it in their work.","PeriodicalId":209045,"journal":{"name":"Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129193132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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