This article investigates a new phenomenon in contemporary Israeli documentary cinema: the processing of war trauma. For the first time since the onset of the Second Intifada, films whose heroes suffer from PTSD are dealing with the processing of past experience. Using case studies, the article analyzes films directed by PTSD victims, which deal with the processing of war trauma, including among others One Battle Too Many (Joel Sharon, 2013) and Closed Story (Micha Livne, 2015). The films’ heroes are seeking to free themselves from the amnesia that is concealing the traumatic events deep within their memory. They manage to locate the repressed memory and then weave the traumatic story anew. The films propose various cinematic strategies for processing trauma, strategies that are meant to demarcate both the subjective traumatic past and the objective safe present and to place a defined aesthetic border between them. The films are analyzed by means of close reading of the cinematic aesthetic and the discussion of trauma in the Humanities. The interweaving of unrealistic and realistic symbolization practices dismantles the classic form of documentary cinema and facilitates an encounter between the viewer and the overwhelming nature of trauma.
{"title":"Trauma Processing in Israel’s Contemporary Documentary Cinema","authors":"Adam Tsachi","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a102","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates a new phenomenon in contemporary Israeli documentary cinema: the processing of war trauma. For the first time since the onset of the Second Intifada, films whose heroes suffer from PTSD are dealing with the processing of past experience. Using case studies, the article analyzes films directed by PTSD victims, which deal with the processing of war trauma, including among others One Battle Too Many (Joel Sharon, 2013) and Closed Story (Micha Livne, 2015). The films’ heroes are seeking to free themselves from the amnesia that is concealing the traumatic events deep within their memory. They manage to locate the repressed memory and then weave the traumatic story anew. The films propose various cinematic strategies for processing trauma, strategies that are meant to demarcate both the subjective traumatic past and the objective safe present and to place a defined aesthetic border between them. The films are analyzed by means of close reading of the cinematic aesthetic and the discussion of trauma in the Humanities. The interweaving of unrealistic and realistic symbolization practices dismantles the classic form of documentary cinema and facilitates an encounter between the viewer and the overwhelming nature of trauma.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"594 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115105258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the history of Degel Zion, which was established in 1938 as a Sephardi youth organization at the initiative of the Association of Sephardi Jews in Tel Aviv, and which operated until the latter years of the British Mandate. Degel Zion was established as a local ethnic organization but developed into a national youth movement that sought to organize Sephardi and Mizrahi youth and integrate them within the Yishuv and within the nation-building process. The article will discuss the manner in which Degel Zion related to the ‘Sephardi question’ – a term that referred to the social and cultural condition of the Sephardi and Mizrahi youth and their marginal status within the Yishuv. The article will explore the way in which Degel Zion justified its existence as an ethnic framework. The discourse on the Sephardi question, as promoted by Degel Zion, related not only to the influence of the national institutions on the shape of the ethnic problem, but also embodied a Sephardi-Mizrahi self-perception and historical narrative that the leadership and facilitators of the movement sought to inculcate in its young members.
{"title":"Degel Zion: Sephardi and Mizrahi Youth and the Sephardi Question","authors":"M. Naor","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a108","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the history of Degel Zion, which was established in 1938 as a Sephardi youth organization at the initiative of the Association of Sephardi Jews in Tel Aviv, and which operated until the latter years of the British Mandate. Degel Zion was established as a local ethnic organization but developed into a national youth movement that sought to organize Sephardi and Mizrahi youth and integrate them within the Yishuv and within the nation-building process. The article will discuss the manner in which Degel Zion related to the ‘Sephardi question’ – a term that referred to the social and cultural condition of the Sephardi and Mizrahi youth and their marginal status within the Yishuv. The article will explore the way in which Degel Zion justified its existence as an ethnic framework. The discourse on the Sephardi question, as promoted by Degel Zion, related not only to the influence of the national institutions on the shape of the ethnic problem, but also embodied a Sephardi-Mizrahi self-perception and historical narrative that the leadership and facilitators of the movement sought to inculcate in its young members.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"99 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128815733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the second half of 1951 the State of Israel used the army to break up two strikes: the locomotive drivers’ strike and the seamen’s strike. In contrast to the latter, the locomotive drivers’ strike has been neglected by historical memory and ignored in historical research. Research devoted to the seamen’s strike has been carried out in isolation from other strikes during this period and presents it—mistakenly—as a unique case. As a result, it has been interpreted in the context of ideological and political confrontations, ignoring the fact that the government’s response to the strike was part of its broader approach to labor relations. This article will claim that in view of the proximity of the strikes and the similarity of the government’s responses, the seamen’s strike should be understood in light of the locomotive drivers’ strike, an approach that suggests a different interpretation of the strike. An analysis of the two strikes in sequence reveals that in the early years of Israeli statehood, Mapai had a policy of using the army to break up strikes, which was abandoned only after it had gained experience in dealing with them.
{"title":"Bringing in the Army to Break the Locomotive Drivers’ and Sailors’ Strikes in 1951","authors":"Boaz Garfinkel","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a106","url":null,"abstract":"In the second half of 1951 the State of Israel used the army to break up two strikes: the locomotive drivers’ strike and the seamen’s strike. In contrast to the latter, the locomotive drivers’ strike has been neglected by historical memory and ignored in historical research. Research devoted to the seamen’s strike has been carried out in isolation from other strikes during this period and presents it—mistakenly—as a unique case. As a result, it has been interpreted in the context of ideological and political confrontations, ignoring the fact that the government’s response to the strike was part of its broader approach to labor relations. This article will claim that in view of the proximity of the strikes and the similarity of the government’s responses, the seamen’s strike should be understood in light of the locomotive drivers’ strike, an approach that suggests a different interpretation of the strike. An analysis of the two strikes in sequence reveals that in the early years of Israeli statehood, Mapai had a policy of using the army to break up strikes, which was abandoned only after it had gained experience in dealing with them.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114808520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The polio epidemic broke out in Israel in July 1949, soon after the establishment of the State and during a period of mass immigration. The fledgling Ministry of Health was in the stage of creating the medical system and infrastructure and was still in the process of formulating policy. The new State of Israel now faced a complex, multifaceted challenge, at a time when it was vigorously seeking acceptance and recognition of its standing in the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO). The healthcare system battled the epidemic for over four years. In view of the severity of the situation and the lack of alternative solutions, the heads of the healthcare system adopted their own independent policy. Demonstrating professional courage, they undertook the manufacture of vaccines and initiated a mass vaccination campaign. Israel’s handling of the epidemic boosted the country’s standing and reputation among medical professionals worldwide and in the WHO. In addition to laboratories for producing vaccines, Israel developed treatment, rehabilitation and monitoring systems. The impressive response of the Israeli public health authorities to the epidemic established its position among the leading countries worldwide in the field of preventive medicine.
{"title":"The Polio Epidemic in Israel, 1949-1956","authors":"Dorit Weiss","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a107","url":null,"abstract":"The polio epidemic broke out in Israel in July 1949, soon after the establishment of the State and during a period of mass immigration. The fledgling Ministry of Health was in the stage of creating the medical system and infrastructure and was still in the process of formulating policy. The new State of Israel now faced a complex, multifaceted challenge, at a time when it was vigorously seeking acceptance and recognition of its standing in the UN and the World Health Organization (WHO). The healthcare system battled the epidemic for over four years. In view of the severity of the situation and the lack of alternative solutions, the heads of the healthcare system adopted their own independent policy. Demonstrating professional courage, they undertook the manufacture of vaccines and initiated a mass vaccination campaign. Israel’s handling of the epidemic boosted the country’s standing and reputation among medical professionals worldwide and in the WHO. In addition to laboratories for producing vaccines, Israel developed treatment, rehabilitation and monitoring systems. The impressive response of the Israeli public health authorities to the epidemic established its position among the leading countries worldwide in the field of preventive medicine.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121579041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses a distinct form of urban housing that flourished in the Yishuv during the British Mandate, in which a family dwelt with other families or individuals in the same household. The article coins and defines the term ‘intimate neighborly relations’ and uses it to analyze the living experience of shared apartments and to describe the relationships that were formed between the residents. An anthropological analysis of the overlap between neighbors and home that is implied by the concept of ‘intimate neighbors’ refines our understanding of private and family space among the Jewish middle class in Palestine. Moreover, the article demonstrates the role of gender in neighborliness and urbanity and uncovers how women shaped the intimacy in the shared apartments. The main argument in the article, based on autobiographical and legal documents alongside popular representations of the practice, is that living together with ‘intimate neighbors’ involved inconvenience, embarrassment and even disgust. At the same time, and despite the difficulties, ‘intimate neighbors’ provided a form of human interaction in an immigrant society, in which many experience alienation and loneliness. Finally, the relationships among ‘intimate neighbors’ were simultaneously a personal experience and a public-national issue, especially in the 1940s when it became a widespread phenomenon and conflicts between neighbors escalated.
{"title":"\"Intimate Neighbors\": Life in Shared Apartments in British Mandate Palestine","authors":"Elia Etkin","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a110","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses a distinct form of urban housing that flourished in the Yishuv during the British Mandate, in which a family dwelt with other families or individuals in the same household. The article coins and defines the term ‘intimate neighborly relations’ and uses it to analyze the living experience of shared apartments and to describe the relationships that were formed between the residents. An anthropological analysis of the overlap between neighbors and home that is implied by the concept of ‘intimate neighbors’ refines our understanding of private and family space among the Jewish middle class in Palestine. Moreover, the article demonstrates the role of gender in neighborliness and urbanity and uncovers how women shaped the intimacy in the shared apartments. The main argument in the article, based on autobiographical and legal documents alongside popular representations of the practice, is that living together with ‘intimate neighbors’ involved inconvenience, embarrassment and even disgust. At the same time, and despite the difficulties, ‘intimate neighbors’ provided a form of human interaction in an immigrant society, in which many experience alienation and loneliness. Finally, the relationships among ‘intimate neighbors’ were simultaneously a personal experience and a public-national issue, especially in the 1940s when it became a widespread phenomenon and conflicts between neighbors escalated.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131295123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Yishuv in Mandatory Palestine was dominated by the Hebrew national culture. Culture was an important and sometimes definitive element in securing the dominance of the Zionist Labor Movement during the Mandate era. The construction and shaping of a new Hebrew culture was a central principle in the movement’s creedal, political, and educational approach. The General Federation of Jewish Labor in Palestine, known as the Histadrut, which was the main institutional player in the shaping of cultural endeavor in Yishuv society, hewed to the spirit of the Socialist Zionist worldview. During this period, the Histadrut emerged as the most progressive, authentic and current cultural agent working to shape the Jewish-Zionist atmosphere and every-day life in Palestine. In the 1930s, the leading figure in the Histadrut’s cultural endeavor was Jacob Sandbank, who operated as part of the Cultural Center established in 1935. According to Sandbank, culture, in the sense of kultura, cannot be ‘manufactured’. Instead, he claimed that it materializes in various spheres of life, and its vital and spiritual elements come about inadvertently – without prior intent, without setting goals, and without dictating things ab initio.
{"title":"Culture in the Histadrut, 1930-1945","authors":"Meir Chazan","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a103","url":null,"abstract":"The Yishuv in Mandatory Palestine was dominated by the Hebrew national culture. Culture was an important and sometimes definitive element in securing the dominance of the Zionist Labor Movement during the Mandate era. The construction and shaping of a new Hebrew culture was a central principle in the movement’s creedal, political, and educational approach. The General Federation of Jewish Labor in Palestine, known as the Histadrut, which was the main institutional player in the shaping of cultural endeavor in Yishuv society, hewed to the spirit of the Socialist Zionist worldview. During this period, the Histadrut emerged as the most progressive, authentic and current cultural agent working to shape the Jewish-Zionist atmosphere and every-day life in Palestine. In the 1930s, the leading figure in the Histadrut’s cultural endeavor was Jacob Sandbank, who operated as part of the Cultural Center established in 1935. According to Sandbank, culture, in the sense of kultura, cannot be ‘manufactured’. Instead, he claimed that it materializes in various spheres of life, and its vital and spiritual elements come about inadvertently – without prior intent, without setting goals, and without dictating things ab initio.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128463874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article will focus on the little-known affair related to the repeated attempts to establish an Israeli settlement in Nablus (Schem) or its vicinity during 1969-1970. A group of Betar youths who were affiliated with various Zionist right-wing parties (and who became known as the Schem Group) make seven separate attempts to establish a settlement in Samaria despite the government’s opposition. Each attempt was blocked by the determined response of the security forces. Despite the significant attention devoted by academic research to the attempts at settling the West Bank in the wake of the Six Day War, this particular affair has received little attention. The episode occurred against the backdrop of the dissonance between the impassioned statements made by Menachem Begin—as the leader of Herut and Gahal—that Judea and Samaria should not be given back and the limited settlement initiatives undertaken by the movement. The article examines the determined government response to the settlement attempts, the circles that backed the group and the ambivalent attitude of Menachem Begin (who was a minister-without-portfolio at the time) toward that initiative. The article will describe the bonds forged between the Schem group and the Elon-Moreh gar’in (core group) members who undertook a similar initiative. That initiative eventually succeeded, with the government’s approval for the group to settle in the [army] camp at Kadum.
本文将集中讨论1969年至1970年期间多次企图在纳布卢斯(scheme)或其附近地区建立以色列定居点的鲜为人知的事件。一群隶属于各种犹太复国主义右翼政党(后来被称为“计划集团”)的贝塔青年不顾政府的反对，七次尝试在撒玛利亚建立定居点。每次企图都被安全部队的坚决反应所阻止。尽管学术研究对六日战争后解决西岸问题的努力给予了极大的关注，但这一特殊事件却很少受到关注。这一事件发生的背景是，赫鲁特和迦勒的领导人梅纳赫姆·贝吉昂(Menachem begin)发表的慷慨激昂的声明——不应归还朱迪亚和撒玛利亚——与该运动所采取的有限的定居点倡议之间存在矛盾。这篇文章考察了政府对定居点尝试的坚决回应，支持该组织的圈子，以及梅纳赫姆·贝金(Menachem Begin)(当时是一名不管部部长)对该倡议的矛盾态度。这篇文章将描述scheme小组和Elon-Moreh gar 'in(核心小组)成员之间建立的纽带，他们承担了类似的倡议。这项倡议最终取得了成功，政府批准该组织在卡杜姆的[军队]营地定居。
{"title":"Before Sebastia: The Schem Group’s Attempts to Establish an Israeli Settlement, 1969-1970","authors":"Amir Goldstein","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a104","url":null,"abstract":"The article will focus on the little-known affair related to the repeated attempts to establish an Israeli settlement in Nablus (Schem) or its vicinity during 1969-1970. A group of Betar youths who were affiliated with various Zionist right-wing parties (and who became known as the Schem Group) make seven separate attempts to establish a settlement in Samaria despite the government’s opposition. Each attempt was blocked by the determined response of the security forces. Despite the significant attention devoted by academic research to the attempts at settling the West Bank in the wake of the Six Day War, this particular affair has received little attention. The episode occurred against the backdrop of the dissonance between the impassioned statements made by Menachem Begin—as the leader of Herut and Gahal—that Judea and Samaria should not be given back and the limited settlement initiatives undertaken by the movement. The article examines the determined government response to the settlement attempts, the circles that backed the group and the ambivalent attitude of Menachem Begin (who was a minister-without-portfolio at the time) toward that initiative. The article will describe the bonds forged between the Schem group and the Elon-Moreh gar’in (core group) members who undertook a similar initiative. That initiative eventually succeeded, with the government’s approval for the group to settle in the [army] camp at Kadum.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134084444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The development of Jewish Beer Sheva was viewed as the building of a new city, since it was to be manyfold larger than the original Arabic Beer Sheva. The plan for the development of Jewish Beer Sheva was part of the ‘Sharon Plan’, a master plan for the State of Israel published in 1951. However, beyond this official plan, there were several other plans for the city which were eventually relegated to the archive: two plans for a Jewish neighborhood alongside the existing Arab city dated 1947 and a plan for the entire city drawn up by the ‘Afikim Ba-Negev’ company dated 1949. These plans, which were never implemented, shed light on the planning, thinking and ideology during this period, which were based on a connection to the land, the value of community and a changing attitude towards the Arab city.
{"title":"Shadow Plans for Beer Sheva, 1947-1949","authors":"Hadas Shadar","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a109","url":null,"abstract":"The development of Jewish Beer Sheva was viewed as the building of a new city, since it was to be manyfold larger than the original Arabic Beer Sheva. The plan for the development of Jewish Beer Sheva was part of the ‘Sharon Plan’, a master plan for the State of Israel published in 1951. However, beyond this official plan, there were several other plans for the city which were eventually relegated to the archive: two plans for a Jewish neighborhood alongside the existing Arab city dated 1947 and a plan for the entire city drawn up by the ‘Afikim Ba-Negev’ company dated 1949. These plans, which were never implemented, shed light on the planning, thinking and ideology during this period, which were based on a connection to the land, the value of community and a changing attitude towards the Arab city.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129495480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the first two decades following the establishment of the State of Israel, the Tel Aviv-Jaffa municipality had to deal with flooding from the Ayalon River. By means of constructing a series of walls, the route of the river and its depth were altered in an unsuccessful attempt to solve the problem. It became clear that a more drastic solution was necessary. Water issues and rivers in particular provide a unique opportunity to study the underlying relationships between local and central governments and between local and international water experts. In this article, I compare the different interests of those who were involved in dealing with the flooding from the Ayalon and the motivations behind their actions. As part of the solution to the Ayalon flooding problem, an infrastructure company was established in 1965 as a partnership between the Tel Aviv-Jaffa municipality and the Israeli government. The main task of the company was to construct a highway along the route of the river, thus ironically providing a drastic solution to the problem.
{"title":"The Ayalon River and the Relationships between the Authorities, 1948-1965","authors":"Assaf Selzer","doi":"10.51854/bguy-34a105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51854/bguy-34a105","url":null,"abstract":"During the first two decades following the establishment of the State of Israel, the Tel Aviv-Jaffa municipality had to deal with flooding from the Ayalon River. By means of constructing a series of walls, the route of the river and its depth were altered in an unsuccessful attempt to solve the problem. It became clear that a more drastic solution was necessary. Water issues and rivers in particular provide a unique opportunity to study the underlying relationships between local and central governments and between local and international water experts. In this article, I compare the different interests of those who were involved in dealing with the flooding from the Ayalon and the motivations behind their actions. As part of the solution to the Ayalon flooding problem, an infrastructure company was established in 1965 as a partnership between the Tel Aviv-Jaffa municipality and the Israeli government. The main task of the company was to construct a highway along the route of the river, thus ironically providing a drastic solution to the problem.","PeriodicalId":219032,"journal":{"name":"Iyunim, Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124053860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：