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Taxing Capital Income in Emerging Countries: Will FATCA Open the Door? 新兴国家对资本收入征税:FATCA会打开大门吗?
Pub Date : 2013-07-21 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2256587
Itai Grinberg
For many emerging and developing economies, it is exceedingly difficult to constrain residents from evading tax liability on income from capital, whether earned domestically or abroad. Meanwhile, an international regime for combatting offshore tax evasion is emerging, and the form of the new regime will be established during a narrow window of opportunity over the next few years. If a uniform, multilateral automatic information exchange system is established, it would improve emerging countries’ ability to tax the offshore accounts of their residents and, perhaps more importantly, their capacity to collect information about and tax domestic-source income from capital. However, a fragmented automatic information exchange regime likely would not benefit countries outside the developed economies. Interestingly, the concerns of emerging and developing economies regarding the contours of the new international regime substantially align with the concerns of multinational financial institutions. As a result, these emerging countries may find that multinational financial institutions can be improbable allies in the battle over taxing offshore accounts. With international financial law as the model, and the G-20 as an agenda setter, a governance structure for a uniform automatic information exchange regime that could be useful to emerging countries’ tax administrations could materialize. The paper explores the requisite governance structure and concludes by describing steps emerging countries may take in bilateral and multilateral settings to help create that structure.Note: An earlier version of this working paper was entitled 'Emerging Countries and the Taxation of Offshore Accounts' and another was entitled 'Will FATCA Open the Door to Taxing Capital Income in Emerging Countries?'.
对于许多新兴和发展中经济体来说,要限制居民逃避资本收入的纳税义务,无论是在国内还是在国外。与此同时,一个打击离岸逃税的国际制度正在形成,新制度的形式将在未来几年的一个狭窄的机会窗口内建立起来。如果建立一个统一的多边自动信息交换系统,它将提高新兴国家对其居民的离岸账户征税的能力,也许更重要的是,提高它们收集关于资本的国内来源收入的信息和征税的能力。然而,分散的自动信息交换制度可能不会使发达经济体以外的国家受益。有趣的是,新兴和发展中经济体对新国际制度轮廓的关切与跨国金融机构的关切在很大程度上是一致的。因此,这些新兴国家可能会发现,在对离岸账户征税的斗争中,跨国金融机构可能不太可能成为盟友。以国际金融法为范本,以g20为议程制定者,一个对新兴国家税务管理有用的统一自动信息交换机制的治理结构可能会成为现实。本文探讨了必要的治理结构,最后描述了新兴国家在双边和多边环境中可能采取的步骤,以帮助建立这种结构。注:本工作文件的早期版本题为“新兴国家和离岸账户征税”,另一个版本题为“FATCA会为新兴国家的资本收入征税打开大门吗?”
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引用次数: 14
Is Welching on Public Pension Promises an Option for Illinois? An Analysis of Article XIII, Section 5 of the Illinois Constitution 伊利诺斯州能否兑现公共养老金承诺?伊利诺伊州宪法第13条第5款分析
Pub Date : 2013-05-07 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1774163
Eric Madiar
Illinois has the largest unfunded public pension liabilities of any state in the nation. This article considers whether the Illinois General Assembly may, without violating Article XIII, Section 5 of the 1970 Illinois Constitution, unilaterally cut the pension benefits of current public employees as a means to reduce the $96.8 billion the State owes to its five public pension systems. Article XIII, Section 5 (i.e., the "Pension Clause") of the Illinois Constitution provides that: "Membership in any pension or retirement system of the State, any unit of local government or school district, or any agency or instrumentality thereof, shall be an enforceable contractual relationship, the benefits of which shall not be diminished or impaired." This article concludes that legislation enacted to unilaterally reduce the pension benefits of current employees would violate the Pension Clause based on the Clause’s text and origins, constitutional convention debates revealing the framers’ intent, contemporaneous news articles demonstrating voters’ understanding of the Clause, and a host of court decisions construing the Clause. Indeed, at the time of the 1970 Illinois Constitutional Convention ("Convention"), the State pension systems were no better funded than they are today. This circumstance, coupled with the fact that the legislature already had a poor track record of making its actuarially-required pension contributions, caused public employee groups to lobby Convention delegates to include the Pension Clause. These groups reasoned that constitutional protection was necessary because the General Assembly would renege on its pension obligations to public servants during a financial crisis. Convention delegates agreed and included the Clause to foreclose that result. The article finds that the Pension Clause not only makes a public employee’s participation in a pension system an enforceable contractual relationship, but also constitutionally protects the pension benefit rights contained in the Illinois Pension Code when an employee joins a pension system, including employee contribution rates. The Clause also safeguards pension benefit enhancements that are later added during employment. Further, the Clause ensures that pensions will be paid even if a pension system defaults or is on the verge of default. Finally, while the Clause bars the General Assembly from adversely changing the benefit rights of current employees via unilateral action, these rights are "contractual" in nature and may be modified through contractual principles. In sum, while welching on public pension promises is not an option for Illinois as some legal and civic commentators have suggested, legitimate contract principles provide a solution to mitigate this crisis.
伊利诺斯州的公共养老金负债是全国各州中最大的。本文考虑伊利诺斯州议会是否可以在不违反1970年伊利诺斯州宪法第13条第5款的情况下,单方面削减现有公职人员的养老金福利,以减少该州欠其五个公共养老金体系的968亿美元。伊利诺伊州宪法第13条第5款(即“养老金条款”)规定:“州的任何养老金或退休制度,任何地方政府或学区单位,或其任何机构或工具的成员资格应是可执行的合同关系,其利益不得减少或损害。”本文的结论是,根据养老金条款的文本和起源,宪法会议辩论揭示了制定者的意图,当时的新闻文章展示了选民对该条款的理解,以及大量法院判决对该条款的解释,立法单方面减少现有雇员的养老金福利将违反该条款。事实上,在1970年伊利诺斯州制宪会议(“会议”)召开时,州养老金系统的资金并不比今天好。这种情况,再加上立法机构在做出精算要求的养老金缴款方面已经有了糟糕的记录,导致公共雇员团体游说大会代表包括养老金条款。这些团体的理由是,宪法保护是必要的,因为在金融危机期间,大会将违背对公务员的养恤金义务。公约代表同意并列入了取消这种结果的条款。本文发现,养老金条款不仅使公职人员参加养老金制度成为一种可执行的合同关系,而且在宪法上保护了雇员参加养老金制度时包含在伊利诺伊州养老金法中的养老金福利权利,包括雇员缴费率。该条款还保障后来在就业期间增加的养恤金福利。此外,该条款确保即使养老金制度违约或濒临违约,养老金也将得到支付。最后,虽然该条款禁止大会通过单方面行动不利地改变现有雇员的福利权利,但这些权利是“合同”性质的,可以通过合同原则加以修改。总而言之,尽管像一些法律和公民评论员所建议的那样,依赖公共养老金承诺不是伊利诺伊州的一个选择,但合法的合同原则为缓解这场危机提供了一个解决方案。
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引用次数: 2
Other-Regarding Preferences and Social Norms 他人偏好与社会规范
Pub Date : 2001-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.265902
Lynn A. Stout
Legal scholars have become keenly interested in behavioral approaches to law that recognize that real people do not always behave in a rationally selfish fashion. For example, numerous recent papers examine how human choice can be distorted by endowment effects, anchoring effects, availability biases, and other cognitive deficiencies. There is a curious imbalance to this "behavioral law and economics" literature, however. Contemporary critiques of the rational selfishness model of human behavior tend to focus far more on the first modifier - the assumption of rationality - than on second - the assumption of self interest. This essay reverses that emphasis. It argues that the human tendency to act in an other-regarding fashion (to sacrifice in order to help or harm others) is far more pervasive, powerful, and important than generally recognized. In support of this claim, it reviews the extensive empirical evidence that has been accumulated over the past four decades on human behavior in social dilemma games, ultimatum games, and dictator games. This evidence establishes that in the right circumstances, experimental subjects routinely behave as if they care about costs and benefits to others. (In the parlance of economics, their behavior "reveals" other-regarding preferences.) Moreover, subjects' decisions to act in an other-regarding fashion seem driven primarily not by their own payoffs but by social context - their perceptions of what others believe, what others expect, and how others are likely to behave. These findings are important not only to our understanding of individual behavior, but also to our understanding of a wide variety of social institutions. To illustrate, this essay considers how the reality of socially-contingent, other-regarding behavior may offer insight into the nature and workings of social norms. In particular, it considers how the phenomenon of other-regarding preferences sheds light on a variety of questions that have been debated in the norms literature. These include the questions of what sorts of behaviors are most likely to solidify into norms; why people follow norms; and how policymakers and other "norm entrepreneurs" can best use norms to change behavior.
法律学者对法律的行为研究方法非常感兴趣,这些方法认识到真实的人并不总是以理性的自私方式行事。例如,许多最近的论文研究了人类的选择是如何被禀赋效应、锚定效应、可得性偏差和其他认知缺陷扭曲的。然而,这种“行为法则和经济学”的文献存在着一种奇怪的不平衡。当代对人类行为的理性自私模型的批评,往往更多地关注于第一个修饰词——理性假设——而不是第二个——自我利益假设。这篇文章颠覆了这一重点。它认为,人类倾向于以他人为中心的方式行事(为了帮助或伤害他人而牺牲),这种倾向远比人们普遍认为的要普遍、强大和重要得多。为了支持这一说法,它回顾了过去四十年来积累的关于人类在社会困境游戏、最后通牒游戏和独裁者游戏中的行为的广泛经验证据。这一证据表明,在适当的情况下,实验对象通常表现得好像他们关心他人的成本和利益。(用经济学的说法,他们的行为“揭示”了与他人相关的偏好。)此外,受试者以他人为中心的方式行事的决定似乎主要不是由他们自己的回报驱动的,而是由社会背景驱动的——他们对他人信仰的看法、他人的期望以及他人可能的行为方式。这些发现不仅对我们理解个体行为很重要,而且对我们理解各种各样的社会制度也很重要。为了说明这一点,本文考虑了社会偶然的、与他人有关的行为的现实如何提供对社会规范的本质和运作的见解。特别是,它考虑了与他人相关的偏好现象如何揭示了规范文献中争论的各种问题。这些问题包括:什么样的行为最有可能固化为规范;为什么人们会遵循规范;以及政策制定者和其他“规范企业家”如何最好地利用规范来改变行为。
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引用次数: 23
Shared Equity Housing: Cultural Understanding and the Meaning of Ownership 共享产权住房:文化理解和所有权的意义
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781315553740-3
Michael R. Diamond
In this paper I examine whether shared equity limitations that are sometimes applied to subsidized affordable housing creates for the owners of such housing a second class ownership status. I conclude that they do not. In support of this conclusion, I look at the meaning of property from both cultural and historical perspectives. I argue that property and ownership are culturally constructed concepts that are understood differently in different cultures and in the same culture over time. I examine the series of limitations that have been placed on property in industrial societies and argue that the limitation on equity is just another in a long list of limitations that society has imposed on ownership in favor of a supervening social good, in this case, the preservation of affordable housing for future generations of low-income homeowners.
在本文中,我研究了有时适用于补贴经济适用房的共享股权限制是否为此类住房的所有者创造了二等所有权地位。我的结论是,他们没有。为了支持这一结论,我从文化和历史的角度来看待财产的意义。我认为财产和所有权是文化建构的概念,在不同的文化中理解不同,在同一文化中理解不同。我研究了工业社会对财产的一系列限制,并认为对公平的限制只是社会对所有权施加的一长串限制中的另一个,这些限制有利于监督社会利益,在这种情况下,为未来几代低收入房主保留负担得起的住房。
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引用次数: 1
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Georgetown University: Public Law (Topic)
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