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Federalism During the Trump Era and Beyond 特朗普时代及以后的联邦制
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197584484.003.0003
C. Ball
This chapter explains how liberal states, with the enthusiastic support of progressives across the country, repeatedly exercised their authority as sovereigns to oppose and challenge some of the Trump administration’s most misguided, harmful, and discriminatory policies. State-based resistance to the Trump administration was particularly robust in matters related to immigration and environmental regulations. State-based policies were also crucial in filling the void left by the Trump administration’s failure to provide effective national leadership on issues that desperately demanded it, including the stemming of gun violence and controlling the spread of the coronavirus pandemic. The chapter argues that if progressives going forward embrace federalism only situationally—defending it when there is a conservative in the White House, but dismissing its relevance or appropriateness when there is a liberal in that position—then it is less likely that the principle will remain a viable and effective tool in resisting the policies of a future right-wing administration in the Trumpian mold. In contrast, if progressives after the Trump era defend federalism as a matter of principle, then it is more likely that the concept will retain its constitutional and political legitimacy, making it available to progressives in future years when confronting another right-wing and potentially autocratic federal administration.
本章解释了自由主义各州如何在全国进步人士的热情支持下,反复行使主权国家的权力,反对和挑战特朗普政府一些最具误导性、最具破坏性和歧视性的政策。各州对特朗普政府的抵制在与移民和环境法规有关的问题上尤为强烈。以州为基础的政策对于填补特朗普政府未能在遏制枪支暴力和控制冠状病毒大流行等迫切需要的问题上提供有效的国家领导所留下的空白也至关重要。这一章认为,如果进步人士只是在情况下才接受联邦制——在白宫有保守派时捍卫它,但在自由派掌权时忽视它的相关性或适当性——那么,在抵制未来特朗普式右翼政府的政策时,这一原则就不太可能成为一个可行和有效的工具。相比之下,如果特朗普时代之后的进步派捍卫联邦制是一项原则问题,那么这一概念更有可能保留其宪法和政治合法性,使进步派在未来几年面对另一个右翼的、可能专制的联邦政府时,可以利用它。
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引用次数: 0
The Presidency During the Trump Era and Beyond 特朗普时代及以后的总统任期
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197584484.003.0005
C. Ball
This chapter explores the many ways in which Trump abused the powers of his office to create what it calls a Madisonian nightmare. Trump’s abuses of power included his efforts (1) to obstruct the special counsel’s investigation of Russia’s interference with the 2016 election; (2) to gain personal, political advantages from Ukraine and other countries while carrying out his official duties as president; (3) to obstruct the exercise of Congress’s impeachment and other investigatory powers; (4) to push the Department of Justice to investigate his political enemies and to protect his political allies from the enforcement of federal law; (5) to punish sanctuary jurisdictions for refusing to help implement the administration’s harsh immigration policies; and (6) to defy Congress by reallocating funds to pay for a border wall despite congressional disapproval of such action. These abuses of power show why it is crucial for progressives going forward to prioritize the reining in of presidential power in domestic affairs as a political issue, adding it to traditional liberal concerns such as economic justice and civil rights protections. The chapter ends with specific suggestions on how Congress and the courts can constitutionally limit the powers of the presidency in domestic affairs in ways that can help deter the types of repeated and dangerous presidential abuses of power that the nation experienced during the Trump era.
本章探讨了特朗普滥用职权、制造所谓“麦迪逊噩梦”的多种方式。特朗普滥用权力的行为包括:(1)阻挠特别检察官对俄罗斯干预2016年大选的调查;(二)在履行总统职务期间,从乌克兰和其他国家获取个人和政治利益;(三)阻碍国会行使弹劾权和其他调查权;(4)推动司法部调查他的政敌,并保护他的政治盟友免受联邦法律的执行;(5)惩罚庇护管辖区拒绝帮助执行政府严厉的移民政策;(6)无视国会的反对,重新分配资金用于修建边境墙。这些滥用权力的行为表明,对于进步人士来说,将限制总统在国内事务中的权力作为一个政治问题放在首位是至关重要的,并将其与经济正义和公民权利保护等传统自由派关注的问题结合起来。本章最后就国会和法院如何在宪法上限制总统在国内事务中的权力提出了具体建议,以帮助阻止美国在特朗普时代经历的那种反复和危险的总统滥用权力。
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引用次数: 0
Federalism Before Trump 特朗普之前的联邦制
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197584484.003.0002
C. Ball
This chapter begins by explaining the roots of federalism in the American constitutional system: where it comes from historically and why it exists today. It also explores how northern states relied on federalism mechanisms and principles to oppose the expansion of slavery in antebellum America and how progressives more recently have used federalism to encourage state experimentation with progressive policies, such as marriage equality and marijuana decriminalization, as a way of promoting their eventual national implementation. At the same time, the chapter acknowledges that federalism in American history has been frequently deployed to promote racist and reactionary policies. This mixed record supports the chapter’s thesis that federalism is a substantively neutral principle that has sometimes been used for good and sometimes for ill. Federalism, in other words, is about which level of government (federal or state or both) should make which types of policy decisions rather than about the policies’ substantive content. As such, federalism is a neutral principle of governance that can and should be separated from the pursuit of particular policy objectives.
本章首先解释联邦制在美国宪法体系中的根源:历史上它从何而来,为什么它今天存在。它还探讨了北方各州如何依靠联邦制的机制和原则来反对内战前美国奴隶制的扩张,以及最近进步派如何利用联邦制鼓励各州试验进步政策,如婚姻平等和大麻合法化,作为促进其最终在全国实施的一种方式。与此同时,本章承认美国历史上的联邦制经常被用来促进种族主义和反动政策。这一混杂的记录支持了本章的论点,即联邦制是一种本质上中立的原则,有时被用来做好事,有时被用来做坏事。换句话说,联邦制是关于哪一级政府(联邦或州或两者)应该做出哪种类型的政策决定,而不是关于政策的实质性内容。因此,联邦制是一种中立的治理原则,可以而且应该与追求特定的政策目标分开。
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引用次数: 0
The Presidency Before Trump 特朗普之前的美国总统
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197584484.003.0004
C. Ball
This chapter explores how Congress, the courts, and we the people have permitted presidents for the last ninety years to accumulate an immense amount of power with few meaningful and effective restraints. In doing so, the chapter shows how Trump’s abuses of presidential authority were not only the actions of a reckless and autocratic leader, but were also the outgrowth of the steady accumulation of presidential powers that has taken place since the 1930s under both Republican and Democratic administrations. Although progressives since the Vietnam War have worked to limit presidential authority in matters related to armed conflicts and national security, they generally have not pushed for restraining that authority in domestic matters. It is time for progressives to take into account the extent to which proposed laws, regulations, and executive orders expand presidential domestic powers when determining whether such measures merit their political support. This means that there may be times when progressives should refuse to support measures that unduly expand presidential authority even in instances in which the exercise of that authority advances progressive goals. To illustrate this point, the chapter argues that progressives should have been more cognizant of the extent to which President Barack Obama’s humanitarian but unilateral decision to cease deporting Dreamers—the large number of undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children—expanded presidential powers.
这一章探讨了国会、法院和我们人民在过去的90年里是如何允许总统在很少有意义和有效的限制下积累巨大的权力的。在此过程中,本章展示了特朗普对总统权力的滥用不仅是一个鲁莽和专制的领导人的行为,也是自20世纪30年代以来共和党和民主党政府不断积累总统权力的结果。尽管自越南战争以来,进步人士一直在努力限制总统在与武装冲突和国家安全有关的事务上的权力,但他们通常没有推动限制总统在国内事务上的权力。进步派应该考虑拟议的法律、法规和行政命令在多大程度上扩大了总统的国内权力,以确定这些措施是否值得政治支持。这意味着,进步派有时应该拒绝支持过度扩大总统权力的措施,即使这种权力的行使有利于进步派的目标。为了说明这一点,本章认为,进步人士应该更多地认识到,奥巴马总统停止驱逐“梦想者”(大量在儿童时期被带到美国的无证移民)的人道主义单边决定,扩大了总统的权力。
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引用次数: 0
The First Amendment During the Trump Era and Beyond 特朗普时代及以后的第一修正案
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197584484.003.0006
C. Ball
This chapter explores the ways in which some progressives, in the years leading up to Trump’s election, had grown skeptical of expansive First Amendment protections, viewing them as impediments to the pursuit of equality objectives. Although some of that skepticism is understandable, the chapter details the multiple ways in which free speech and free press protections helped curtail some of Trump’s autocratic policies and practices. In doing so, the chapter argues that progressives, going forward, should not allow what it calls “First Amendment skepticism” to grow to the point that it undermines the amendment’s ability to shield democratic processes, dissenters, and vulnerable groups from future autocratic government officials in the Trump mold. The chapter ends with an exploration of future hate speech regulations. While it would be understandable for progressives, after Trump’s repeated use of hate speech, to call for greater regulations of such speech, the chapter urges progressives to be cautious in this area because of the real possibility that the regulations will be used by future government officials in the Trump mold to target and discriminate against both progressive viewpoints and racial and religious minorities.
本章探讨了在特朗普当选前的几年里,一些进步人士是如何对广泛的第一修正案保护持怀疑态度的,认为它们阻碍了追求平等目标。尽管这种怀疑在一定程度上是可以理解的,但这一章详细介绍了保护言论自由和新闻自由的多种方式,这些方式帮助遏制了特朗普的一些专制政策和做法。在这样做的过程中,该章节认为,进步人士未来不应该允许所谓的“第一修正案怀疑论”发展到破坏修正案保护民主进程、持不同政见者和弱势群体免受未来特朗普式专制政府官员影响的能力。本章最后探讨了未来的仇恨言论法规。虽然在特朗普多次使用仇恨言论之后,进步人士呼吁对此类言论进行更严格的监管是可以理解的,但本章敦促进步人士在这方面保持谨慎,因为未来的政府官员很可能会以特朗普的方式利用这些监管来针对和歧视进步观点以及种族和宗教少数群体。
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引用次数: 0
Epilogue 后记
Pub Date : 2021-08-19 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197584484.003.0007
C. Ball
The epilogue explores the reasons why progressives, following Trump’s re-election defeat, must not give up on their commitments to the federalism, separation-of-powers, and free speech principles that they defended during the difficult Trump years. It may be tempting, following Biden’s defeat of Trump, for progressives to try to put the traumatic and harrowing Trump years behind them by worrying and fretting less about the implications of his policies and of how he governed. But progressives must be prepared for the possibility of a future president in the Trump mold by continuing to defend the constitutional principles that they endorsed and championed during the Trump era. Those principles consist of not only the ones that progressives have valued for decades, including those related to equality, privacy, and the fundamental right to vote, but also the structural constitutional principles behind federalism and separation of powers that progressives had generally ignored before the Trump presidency, but which became crucial to resisting it.
结语部分探讨了为什么在特朗普连任失败后,进步人士不能放弃他们对联邦制、三权分立和言论自由原则的承诺,这些原则是他们在特朗普困难时期捍卫的。在拜登击败特朗普之后,进步人士可能会试图通过减少对特朗普政策的影响以及他的执政方式的担忧和烦恼,把特朗普执政期间的创伤和痛苦抛诸脑后。但进步人士必须为未来可能出现特朗普模式的总统做好准备,继续捍卫他们在特朗普时代支持和拥护的宪法原则。这些原则不仅包括进步人士几十年来一直重视的那些原则,包括与平等、隐私和基本投票权有关的原则,还包括联邦制和三权分立背后的结构性宪法原则,这些原则在特朗普担任总统之前被进步人士普遍忽视,但它们对抵制它至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
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