Pub Date : 2024-01-23DOI: 10.24241/doccidob.2024.15/en
Miriam Marín Nicolás
This study offers a comprehensive overview of the Norwegian involvement in the Venezuelan peace process as a facilitator of the peace talks between the Venezuelan government and the opposition. It explains what Norway does as a facilitator (the process), as well as how (approach) and why (characteristics of Norway as a suitable mediator, and possible interests), not only in terms of the characteristics making Norway a suitable facilitator, but also its interests and motivations. The main goal is to draw attention to the importance and the usefulness of soft power tools for the achievement of foreign policy objectives and, in particular, peace-making. The study concludes that, for Norway, mediation as foreign policy is, in general but also in the case of Venezuela, the result of a combination of idealist, value-oriented motivations (humanitarian reasons and international stability), and realist, non-altruistic interests (status and access) arising from its constructed national identity and role conception.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-26DOI: 10.24241/doccidob.2022.14/en
E. Parsons
In a fractured governance architecture, the Arctic region is increasingly faced with complex challenges like climate change, indigenous rights and commercialisation. Shedding light on a sorely overlooked topic in the literature – China’s Arctic discourse and strategy – this article applies an inductive, social constructivist approach, utilising qualitative content analysis and constituent dimensions to analyse Chinese Arctic narratives. Seeking to answer the questions: “How has China attempted to position itself as a legitimate actor in the Arctic, and has it been accepted?” and “How will this impact governance architecture in the region?” the results show that China has been accepted a legitimate actor in Arctic governance via a discourse of scientific exploration and cultural ties. Further, an increasingly dissatisfied China is challenging Arctic governance, replacing its scientific engagement narrative with one of commercial engagement, geo-economic power and, ultimately, prestige.
{"title":"Relations on thin ice: a narrative analysis of chinese governance in the Arctic","authors":"E. Parsons","doi":"10.24241/doccidob.2022.14/en","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24241/doccidob.2022.14/en","url":null,"abstract":"In a fractured governance architecture, the Arctic region is increasingly faced with complex challenges like climate change, indigenous rights and commercialisation. Shedding light on a sorely overlooked topic in the literature – China’s Arctic discourse and strategy – this article applies an inductive, social constructivist approach, utilising qualitative content analysis and constituent dimensions to analyse Chinese Arctic narratives. Seeking to answer the questions: “How has China attempted to position itself as a legitimate actor in the Arctic, and has it been accepted?” and “How will this impact governance architecture in the region?” the results show that China has been accepted a legitimate actor in Arctic governance via a discourse of scientific exploration and cultural ties. Further, an increasingly dissatisfied China is challenging Arctic governance, replacing its scientific engagement narrative with one of commercial engagement, geo-economic power and, ultimately, prestige.","PeriodicalId":256326,"journal":{"name":"Documents CIDOB","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131289009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-30DOI: 10.24241/doccidob.2021.13/ca
Pol Morillas
En un context de crisis successives, l’última de les quals la sanitària i econòmica de la COVID-19, aquest article analitza les quatre fractures principals a les que s’enfronta la UE (de valors, de solidaritat, institucional i de transformació internacional) per a les quals s’imposen tres mesures si es vol assolir un nou ordre europeu: més democràcia, més flexibilitat i millor acció exterior. La geopolítica actual demana més que mai que la UE defensi els seus valors fonamentals, agilitzi la presa de decisions i augmenti i faciliti la cooperació en les relacions internacionals.
{"title":"L’estat de la Unió Europea: crisi i reforma","authors":"Pol Morillas","doi":"10.24241/doccidob.2021.13/ca","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24241/doccidob.2021.13/ca","url":null,"abstract":"En un context de crisis successives, l’última de les quals la sanitària i econòmica de la COVID-19, aquest article analitza les quatre fractures principals a les que s’enfronta la UE (de valors, de solidaritat, institucional i de transformació internacional) per a les quals s’imposen tres mesures si es vol assolir un nou ordre europeu: més democràcia, més flexibilitat i millor acció exterior. La geopolítica actual demana més que mai que la UE defensi els seus valors fonamentals, agilitzi la presa de decisions i augmenti i faciliti la cooperació en les relacions internacionals.","PeriodicalId":256326,"journal":{"name":"Documents CIDOB","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116611249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-20DOI: 10.24241/DOCCIDOB.2021.12
Diego Acosta, Ashleigh Guest, Ignacio Odriozola, Sophia Soares
Tras la salida del Reino Unido de la Unión Europea, la libre circulación de personas ha llegado a su fin entre ambos bloques. Esto ha supuesto un enorme deterioro de los derechos de los ciudadanos británicos en la Unión y de los europeos en el Reino Unido. Dada la importancia de los flujos migratorios en ambas direcciones, este artículo investiga la posibilidad de adoptar acuerdos bilaterales de libre movilidad de personas. Dichos acuerdos son muy comunes en perspectiva comparada a nivel mundial y europeo. Teniendo en cuenta que los británicos representan el tercer grupo más numeroso de no nacionales en España, así como el importante número de ciudadanos españoles en el Reino Unido, el estudio explora las posibilidades legales y políticas de que el primer acuerdo de dicho tipo fuese firmado entre ambos países, así como el contenido que podría incluir.
{"title":"Tras el Brexit: ¿La adopción de un acuerdo de libre movilidad de personas entre España y Reino Unido como modo de gestión de las migraciones?","authors":"Diego Acosta, Ashleigh Guest, Ignacio Odriozola, Sophia Soares","doi":"10.24241/DOCCIDOB.2021.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24241/DOCCIDOB.2021.12","url":null,"abstract":"Tras la salida del Reino Unido de la Unión Europea, la libre circulación de personas ha llegado a su fin entre ambos bloques. Esto ha supuesto un enorme deterioro de los derechos de los ciudadanos británicos en la Unión y de los europeos en el Reino Unido. Dada la importancia de los flujos migratorios en ambas direcciones, este artículo investiga la posibilidad de adoptar acuerdos bilaterales de libre movilidad de personas. Dichos acuerdos son muy comunes en perspectiva comparada a nivel mundial y europeo. Teniendo en cuenta que los británicos representan el tercer grupo más numeroso de no nacionales en España, así como el importante número de ciudadanos españoles en el Reino Unido, el estudio explora las posibilidades legales y políticas de que el primer acuerdo de dicho tipo fuese firmado entre ambos países, así como el contenido que podría incluir.","PeriodicalId":256326,"journal":{"name":"Documents CIDOB","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132975430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-10DOI: 10.24241/doccidob.2021.11
Lewin Schmitt
This paper uses text mining and sentiment analysis of Twitter posts to explore the EU’s diplomatic communication practices and to measure public opinion on foreign affairs. Building on an original dataset of almost one million tweets from the past five years, this analysis reveals differences in public perceptions of the EU’s relationship with China, India and Russia. Attitudes are most positive in the case of the EU–India relationship, followed by EU–China and EU–Russia. Furthermore, the paper examines hundreds of official EU Twitter accounts, specifically their communications on diplomatic relations with these countries. A main finding is that the EU talks about its diplomatic relations in more positive terms than the wider public, though this verbal politeness effect is less pronounced in the case of EU–Russia relations.
{"title":"What’s in a tweet? Twitter’s impact on public opinion and EU foreign affairs","authors":"Lewin Schmitt","doi":"10.24241/doccidob.2021.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24241/doccidob.2021.11","url":null,"abstract":"This paper uses text mining and sentiment analysis of Twitter posts to explore the EU’s diplomatic communication practices and to measure public opinion on foreign affairs. Building on an original dataset of almost one million tweets from the past five years, this analysis reveals differences in public perceptions of the EU’s relationship with China, India and Russia. Attitudes are most positive in the case of the EU–India relationship, followed by EU–China and EU–Russia. Furthermore, the paper examines hundreds of official EU Twitter accounts, specifically their communications on diplomatic relations with these countries. A main finding is that the EU talks about its diplomatic relations in more positive terms than the wider public, though this verbal politeness effect is less pronounced in the case of EU–Russia relations.","PeriodicalId":256326,"journal":{"name":"Documents CIDOB","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132298983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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