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Political Finance in a Developing Democracy 发展中民主国家的政治金融
Pub Date : 2018-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199487271.003.0002
E. Sridharan, M. Vaishnav
This chapter surveys the legal and regulatory history of political finance in India, situating it in the context of India’s political economy. It devotes special attention to recent developments, including new reforms implemented by the Modi government in 2017. It also discusses possible areas of reform, including the regulation of political parties, which can lead to increased transparency and help the country break out of a corrupt equilibrium.
本章调查了印度政治金融的法律和监管历史,将其置于印度政治经济的背景下。它特别关注最近的事态发展,包括莫迪政府在2017年实施的新改革。报告还讨论了可能的改革领域,包括对政党的监管,这可以提高透明度,帮助该国打破腐败的平衡。
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引用次数: 4
Whose Money, Whose Influence? Multilevel Politics and Campaign Finance in India 谁的钱,谁的影响力?印度的多层次政治和竞选资金
Pub Date : 2018-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199487271.003.0008
Jennifer Bussell
Those who affect the outcomes of elections—via financial or means—often have greater access to elected officials. Yet, we frequently have little information about the dynamics of elections, let alone the relationship between campaigns and subsequent sway over officials. I draw on surveys of politicians to illuminate three key aspects of campaign dynamics in India: differences in campaign costs across levels of government; variations in funding sources across levels; and the role of various actors in providing other forms of campaign assistance. I find, first, that financial support from political parties is relevant only at high levels of elected office, whereas personal resources dominate at lower levels. Second, a substantial portion of all respondents highlights the role of illicit funds in campaigns. Finally, sources of non-financial assistance—for example, for voter mobilization—differ across levels of government.
那些通过经济或其他手段影响选举结果的人往往更容易接触民选官员。然而,我们往往对选举的动态知之甚少,更不用说竞选活动与随后对官员的影响之间的关系了。我利用对政治家的调查来阐明印度竞选动态的三个关键方面:各级政府之间竞选成本的差异;各级资金来源的差异;以及各种行动者在提供其他形式的竞选援助方面的作用。我发现,首先,政党的财政支持只与高层选举职位有关,而个人资源在低层职位中占主导地位。第二,大部分受访者强调了非法资金在竞选中的作用。最后,非财政援助的来源——例如选民动员——在各级政府之间是不同的。
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引用次数: 2
Builders, Politicians, and Election Finance 建筑商、政治家和选举财政
Pub Date : 2018-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199487271.003.0004
D. Kapur, M. Vaishnav
In many developing countries, politicians often turn to private firms for illicit election finance. In sectors where firms are highly regulated, politicians can exchange policy discretion or regulatory favours for financial support during elections. This chapter explores this dynamic by focusing on the role of the construction sector in India, a domain where regulatory intensity is high. Specifically, we argue that builders will experience a short-term liquidity crunch as elections approach because of their need to re-route funds to campaigns as a form of indirect election finance. We use variation in the demand for cement, the indispensable ingredient for construction, to investigate the presence of an electoral cycle in building activity consistent with this logic. Using a novel monthly-level dataset, we demonstrate that cement consumption does exhibit a political business cycle supportive of our hypothesis.
在许多发展中国家,政客们经常向私人公司寻求非法选举资金。在企业受到严格监管的领域,政客们可以在选举期间用政策自由裁量权或监管方面的优惠换取财政支持。本章通过关注印度建筑业的作用来探讨这一动态,这是一个监管强度很高的领域。具体而言,我们认为随着选举临近,建筑商将经历短期流动性紧缩,因为他们需要将资金重新分配给竞选活动,作为间接选举融资的一种形式。我们利用水泥需求的变化(水泥是建筑中不可或缺的成分)来调查建筑活动中符合这种逻辑的选举周期的存在。使用新颖的月度数据集,我们证明水泥消费确实表现出支持我们假设的政治商业周期。
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引用次数: 7
Money in Elections 选举中的金钱
Pub Date : 2018-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199487271.003.0003
N. Sircar
This chapter investigates the role of personal wealth and self-financing candidates in Indian elections, namely, why financial capacity of the candidate is an important feature of Indian electoral politics and how it structures the incentives of political parties. Using detailed data on candidates’ assets, this chapter demonstrates that a candidate’s personal wealth, measured in terms of moveable assets, has a significant positive impact on her electoral fortunes. It further shows that wealthy candidates directly filter into competitive parties. But even among these wealthy candidates from competitive parties, the wealthiest candidate has a greater probability of winning the constituency. The empirical results strongly support the view that there are structural and institutional reasons for the outward display of wealth in Indian electoral campaigns.
本章探讨个人财富和自筹资金候选人在印度选举中的作用,即为什么候选人的财务能力是印度选举政治的一个重要特征,以及它如何构建政党的激励机制。利用候选人资产的详细数据,本章证明了候选人的个人财富,以可移动资产来衡量,对她的选举命运有显著的积极影响。这进一步表明,富有的候选人会直接进入竞争激烈的政党。但即使在这些来自竞争政党的富有候选人中,最富有的候选人赢得选区的可能性也更大。实证结果有力地支持了这样一种观点,即印度竞选活动中向外展示财富存在结构性和制度性原因。
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引用次数: 4
Conclusion 结论
Pub Date : 2018-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199487271.003.0009
Devesh Kapur, E. Sridharan, M. Vaishnav
In this concluding chapter, we set out to do five things. First, we present key stylized facts that summarize the current realities of India’s political finance regulatory ecosystem. Second, we briefly review an important recent development on the policy front: India’s sudden and dramatic decision to ‘demonetize’ the rupee. Third, we discuss the motivations for pushing for deeper changes and outline the central tenets of a ‘grand bargain’ for electoral reform that combines both carrots and sticks in order curb some of the most distortionary impacts that money is having. Fourth, we briefly assess the question of whether the upstart Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) represents a new model of politics that combines internal party democracy with greater transparency in electoral funding, as some analysts have argued. Fifth, we conclude with some thoughts on a future research agenda.
在这最后一章中,我们打算做五件事。首先,我们提出了关键的程式化事实,总结了印度政治金融监管生态系统的现状。其次,我们简要回顾一下最近政策方面的一个重要进展:印度突然戏剧性地决定让卢比“非货币化”。第三,我们讨论了推动更深层次变革的动机,并概述了选举改革的“大交易”的核心原则,即胡萝卜和大棒相结合,以遏制金钱所产生的一些最具扭曲性的影响。第四,我们简要地评估了一个问题,即新贵Aam Aadmi党(AAP)是否代表了一种新的政治模式,这种模式将党内民主与选举资金的更大透明度结合起来,就像一些分析人士所说的那样。第五,我们对未来的研究议程进行了一些思考。
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引用次数: 1
Money and Votes 金钱和选票
Pub Date : 2018-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199487271.003.0006
Lisa Björkman, Jeffrey Witsoe
While ‘vote buying’ theories tend to treat parties to cash exchanges as either transaction agents or as information-gap bridges, this paper seeks to show that people involved with moving money are key actors in broader political economies, and that the networks through which cash flows are the very same ones through which the resources of off-season social and economic life is produced, assembled, and transformed. We draw from our respective ethnographic research in two very different (in some ways even ‘most different’) sites in contemporary India—the first from the city of Mumbai and the secondly from rural Bihar. Examining the origins and distribution of exchanged money in our sites unsettles received wisdom concerning the directional flow of monetary exchange, demonstrates that money originates not just from parties but rather from a wide variety of sources and that the money that changes hands at election time produces and articulates socio-political networks that infuse everyday life far beyond election day.
虽然“贿选”理论倾向于将现金交易的各方视为交易代理人或信息鸿沟的桥梁,但本文试图表明,参与转移资金的人是更广泛的政治经济学中的关键角色,而现金流所通过的网络正是淡季社会和经济生活资源生产、组装和转化的网络。我们各自在当代印度两个非常不同(在某些方面甚至是“最不同”)的地点进行人种学研究,第一个地点来自孟买,第二个地点来自比哈尔邦农村。考察我们网站中交换货币的起源和分布,颠覆了关于货币交换方向流动的传统智慧,表明金钱不仅仅来自政党,而是来自各种各样的来源,在选举期间转手的金钱产生并阐明了社会政治网络,这些网络渗透到选举日之后的日常生活中。
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引用次数: 3
What Costs So Much in Indian Elections? 印度大选为何花费如此之多?
Pub Date : 2018-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199487271.003.0007
Simon Chauchard
This chapter focuses on what candidates concretely spend their money during presumably expensive campaigns. Specifically, it is interested in two questions. First, to what extent is this expenditure illegal—that is, unaccounted for officially? Second, and more importantly, to what extent is this illegal and unaccounted spending directed towards illegitimate tactics or tactics that potentially threaten the fairness of elections? Estimates from two recent campaigns suggest that gifts are neither the only nor the main reason why electoral campaigns are expensive in Mumbai. Other kinds of expenses, such as the short-term wages that candidates pay to their workers and to the crowds these workers in turn recruit, or even simply ‘politics as usual’ expenses, place equally important constraints on candidates. This suggests that the perceived increase in the cost of campaigns does not have one cause but several, and that the narrative assigning the rise in the cost of campaigns to increasingly illegitimate tactics may be simplistic, or simply erroneous.
这一章的重点是候选人在可能很昂贵的竞选活动中具体花了什么钱。具体来说,它对两个问题感兴趣。首先,这笔支出在多大程度上是非法的——也就是说,没有官方说明?其次,更重要的是,这种非法和未统计的支出在多大程度上用于非法战术或可能威胁选举公正性的战术?根据最近两次竞选活动的估计,礼物既不是孟买竞选活动昂贵的唯一原因,也不是主要原因。其他种类的开支,如候选人支付给工人和这些工人反过来招募的人群的短期工资,甚至只是“政治照旧”的开支,对候选人也构成了同样重要的限制。这表明,活动成本的增加不是一个原因,而是几个原因,将活动成本上升归咎于越来越不合理的策略的说法可能过于简单化,或者根本就是错误的。
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引用次数: 3
Navigating Fiscal Constraints 驾驭财政约束
Pub Date : 2018-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199487271.003.0005
M. Collins
In recent decades, India has witnessed an upsurge in electoral participation among lower-caste voters. This broadening social profile of democratic practice occurred alongside a pluralization of the party system marked by the entry of new contenders advocating on behalf of lower caste groups. Coincident with this transformation of the political arena, the country recorded an alarming growth in gross electoral expenditure. Today, reliable estimates peg India as the world’s second most expensive democracy in terms of aggregate campaign spending. This chapter examines how the most prominent Dalit (ex-Untouchable) party in Tamil Nadu—Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) or Liberation Panthers Party—navigates the challenges associated with election finance, investigating how VCK candidates mobilize resources to sustain competitive campaigns. Fiscal constraints incentivize smaller parties to join coalitions spearheaded by their more established counterparts, yet these electoral arrangements do not strictly entail a quid pro quo exchange of vote-banks for financial and canvassing support, but entail complex negotiations that structure the terms of electoral participation.
近几十年来,印度的低种姓选民参与选举的人数激增。民主实践的社会范围的扩大伴随着政党制度的多元化,以代表低种姓群体的新竞争者的加入为标志。在政治舞台发生这种变化的同时,该国的选举开支总额也出现了惊人的增长。如今,根据可靠的估计,就竞选总开支而言,印度是世界上第二昂贵的民主国家。本章考察了泰米尔纳德邦最著名的达利特(前贱民)政党(viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK)或解放黑豹党)如何应对与选举财政相关的挑战,调查了VCK候选人如何动员资源来维持竞争活动。财政限制促使较小的政党加入由较成熟的政党领导的联盟,但这些选举安排并不严格要求交换选票库以换取财政和拉票支持,而是需要进行复杂的谈判,以制定选举参与的条件。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Costs of Democracy
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