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The Politics of Consumer Credit in the UK, 1938-1992最新文献

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Conclusion 结论
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0010
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
The long-term perspective taken by The Politics of Consumer Credit in the UK affords fresh evidence on a number of significant historical debates. It indicates that Britain’s departure from pathways followed in other European consumer credit markets was not simply a by-product of neo-liberalism’s influence on late-twentieth-century governments. It has also allowed us to offer important contributions on questions such as the impact of political ideologies over policymaking, the validity of a right–left framework for analysing politics, the extent to which a post-war consensus existed (and was broken after 1979), and the question of how adept British political parties were in exploiting the emergence of a more affluent electorate....
《英国消费信贷的政治》一书的长期视角为一系列重大的历史争论提供了新的证据。这表明,英国偏离了其他欧洲消费信贷市场所遵循的道路,并不仅仅是新自由主义对20世纪末各国政府影响的副产品。它还使我们能够在政治意识形态对政策制定的影响、分析政治的左右框架的有效性、战后共识存在的程度(并在1979年后被打破)以及英国政党在利用更富裕选民的出现方面有多熟练的问题上提供重要的贡献....
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引用次数: 0
Truth in Lending? Consumer Credit and Social Policy after Crowther 借贷的真相?《消费信贷与社会政策》,克劳瑟之后
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198732235.003.0008
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
Chapter 7 addresses consumer protection issues from the 1970s onwards. It discusses the increasingly complex connections between mortgage and consumer credit, particularly in terms of second mortgages. It discusses the consumer credit protection put in place by the Consumer Credit Act. It explains how important decisions taken at that point increased further the UK’s diverse and liberalized consumer credit markets and enabled the survival (and growth) of forms of sub-prime credit that died elsewhere in Europe. The chapter also addresses issues around credit discrimination on the grounds of race and gender. It probes the reaction of consumer groups to the backlash to consumerism and the liberalization of personal finance markets under the Thatcher regime. The chapter also breaks new ground in exploring the impact of Europe, with an exploration of the hostile response that emerged when the European Parliament’s Consumer Directive threatened to curtail the UK’s consumer credit markets.
第七章论述了七十年代以来的消费者保护问题。它讨论了抵押贷款和消费信贷之间日益复杂的联系,特别是在第二抵押贷款方面。它讨论了消费者信贷法案实施的消费者信贷保护。它解释了当时做出的重要决定如何进一步促进了英国消费信贷市场的多样化和自由化,并使次级信贷得以生存(和增长),而次级信贷在欧洲其他地方已经消亡。本章还讨论了基于种族和性别的信贷歧视问题。它探讨了消费者群体对撒切尔政权下消费主义和个人金融市场自由化的反弹的反应。这一章还开辟了探索欧洲影响的新领域,探讨了当欧洲议会(European Parliament)的《消费者指令》(Consumer Directive)威胁要限制英国消费信贷市场时出现的敌意反应。
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引用次数: 0
A Nation of Mortgagors, 1970–1989 抵押人的国家,1970-1989
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0007
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
Between 1970 and 1989 the two main parties began to diverge on the sale of council homes, particularly after the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979. The chapter explains the widening ideological fissures on social housing and home ownership. The spread of home ownership during this period continued the ‘tenurial revolution’, which began in the interwar period. In the same period, a co-relationship had developed between mass markets in consumer durables and owner occupation. The relationship was amplified further in the 1980s amidst a credit boom and rising levels of home ownership. This chapter focuses on the role of the Conservatives’ renewed focus on the right-to-buy policy that turned many council tenants into members of the expanded property-owning democracy.
1970年至1989年间,两大主要政党在出售议会住宅的问题上开始出现分歧,尤其是在1979年玛格丽特•撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)当选之后。这一章解释了在社会住房和房屋所有权问题上日益扩大的意识形态分歧。在这一时期,房屋所有权的传播延续了始于两次世界大战之间的“权属革命”。在同一时期,耐用消费品的大众市场和业主职业之间形成了一种相互关系。在20世纪80年代信贷繁荣和住房拥有率上升的背景下,这种关系被进一步放大。这一章的重点是保守党重新关注购买权政策的作用,该政策将许多议会租户变成了扩大的拥有财产民主的成员。
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引用次数: 0
Crisis and Credit Control, 1964–1971 危机与信贷控制,1964-1971
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198732235.003.0005
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
Between 1964 and 1971 the UK suffered great economic difficulties, including repeated balance of payments crises, leading to a prolonged credit squeeze, the seeking of loans from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the devaluation of sterling in 1967. These issues dominated control over consumer credit. Hire purchase terms control continued to feature in government economic management, producing stronger objections from the consumer durables sector. While the Treasury saw them as a useful demand management tool, the Board of Trade complained of their damage to British industry and the Crowther Committee established to examine consumer credit called for their abandonment. There was also growing pressure, particularly from the Bank of England, to move away from the use of ceilings on bank lending. In 1971, a new system of credit control was introduced, reliant on changes in the cost of credit rather than restrictions on its overall availability.
1964年至1971年间,英国遭受了巨大的经济困难,包括反复出现的国际收支危机,导致长期的信贷紧缩,向国际货币基金组织(IMF)寻求贷款,以及1967年英镑贬值。这些问题主导了对消费信贷的控制。政府的经济管理继续采用分期付款条款控制,这引起了耐用消费品行业的强烈反对。尽管财政部将其视为一种有用的需求管理工具,但英国贸易委员会(Board of Trade)抱怨称,它们对英国工业造成了损害,而为审查消费者信贷而成立的克劳瑟委员会(Crowther Committee)则呼吁放弃它们。此外,要求取消银行贷款上限的压力也越来越大,尤其是来自英国央行(Bank of England)的压力。1971年,实行了一种新的信贷控制制度,依靠的是信贷成本的变化,而不是限制信贷的总体可得性。
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引用次数: 0
Building a Property-Owning Democracy, 1945–1970 1945-1970年,建立产权民主
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0003
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
The chapter explains the emerging concept of a property-owning democracy. Encouraging home ownership, Conservatives argued, increased ‘independence of character, self-reliance, initiative, and the habit of saving and the acceptance of responsibility’. The Conservative government of 1951 granted local authorities powers to sell council houses to their tenants. Conservatives portrayed the Labour Party as hostile to home ownership. However, Labour revisionists encouraged colleagues to take the concept of a property-owning democracy seriously as part of a strategy to refresh their egalitarian agenda. In similar vein, Anthony Crosland argued that the concept was a ‘socialist rather than a conservative ideal’ as long as property was ‘well distributed’. Thus, as Britain became more affluent, the central debate on housing shifted from one centred on which government built the most houses to which party would offer homeowners the best deal, with a focus on the terms of mortgage lending.
这一章解释了新兴的有产民主概念。保守党认为,鼓励买房可以增强“个性的独立、自力更生、主动性、储蓄的习惯和对责任的接受”。1951年,保守党政府授予地方当局向租户出售政府房屋的权力。保守党将工党描绘成反对拥有住房的政党。然而,工党的修正主义者鼓励同事们认真对待拥有财产的民主概念,作为更新其平等主义议程的战略的一部分。同样,安东尼·克罗斯兰认为,只要财产“合理分配”,这个概念是“社会主义的,而不是保守的理想”。因此,随着英国变得更加富裕,关于住房的核心辩论从关注哪一个政府建造最多的房屋转移到哪一个政党将为房主提供最好的交易,重点是抵押贷款的条款。
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引用次数: 0
Consumer Credit on the Eve of Affluence 富裕前夜的消费信贷
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0002
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
The chapter begins with an examination of debates around consumer protection and hire purchase in the 1930s. It explains the emergence and significance of the Hire Purchase Act, 1938. It explores radical (but thwarted) Labour plans to reshape important sectors of the consumer credit market during the 1940s. The chapter then explains the influence of Keynesian theory and its role in generating new policy on economic demand management. The Conservative election victory of 1951 owed much to the party’s courtship of voters with free market rhetoric, but this government instigated hire purchase controls to improve the balance of payments and combat inflation. Labour dubbed the measures ‘a very vicious piece of class legislation’. This policy created long-standing disagreement between the Treasury and the Board of Trade (and consumer durables manufacturers) about the damage to UK manufacturing. The chapter outlines developments up until the Radcliffe Committee was tasked to examine the issue.
本章首先考察了20世纪30年代围绕消费者保护和租购的辩论。它解释了1938年《租购法》的产生和意义。它探讨了工党在20世纪40年代重塑消费信贷市场重要部门的激进(但遭到挫败)计划。然后,本章解释了凯恩斯理论的影响及其在产生经济需求管理新政策中的作用。保守党1951年大选的胜利在很大程度上要归功于该党用自由市场的言论讨好选民,但这届政府却推行了租购管制,以改善国际收支状况,对抗通货膨胀。工党称这些措施是“非常恶毒的阶级立法”。这一政策在财政部和贸易委员会(以及耐用消费品制造商)之间造成了长期的分歧,即对英国制造业的损害。本章概述了直到拉德克利夫委员会受聘审查这一问题之前的事态发展。
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引用次数: 0
‘Too Much of a Good Thing’ “过犹不及”
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0009
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
By the 1980s, the Labour and Conservative parties were more receptive to radical ideas that had great implications for the consumer credit market. Labour’s left pursued plans to nationalize financial institutions. The Conservatives embraced monetarism as a solution to Britain’s high levels of inflation. While ideology played a role, it does not provide sufficient explanation for the liberalization that followed. Hire purchase terms controls were eventually abolished in 1982, alongside the more generalized attempts to restrict personal lending, but the persistent search for a more effective means to the same end continued for longer than might have been supposed. Liberalization, in turn, led to a boom in the use of consumer credit in the 1980s, producing renewed Labour demands for its restraint. The debate that followed is revealing of how new technological and international influences made devising a workable system of credit control ever more difficult.
到上世纪80年代,工党和保守党更容易接受对消费信贷市场有重大影响的激进想法。工党左翼推行国有化金融机构的计划。保守党将货币主义奉为解决英国高通胀的良方。虽然意识形态发挥了作用,但它并没有为随后的自由化提供充分的解释。1982年,随着更广泛的限制个人贷款的尝试,分期付款条款控制最终被废除,但为达到同一目的而持续寻找更有效手段的努力,持续的时间比预期的要长。自由化反过来又导致了20世纪80年代消费信贷使用的激增,导致劳工再次要求限制消费信贷。随后的辩论揭示出,新技术和国际影响如何使得设计一个可行的信贷控制体系变得越来越困难。
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引用次数: 0
‘A Supreme Example of Whitehall “Tinkering” ’ “白厅“修修补补”的典范”
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198732235.003.0006
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
Competition and Credit Control contributed to the abandonment of hire purchase terms control, but officials continued to search for another mechanism that could target consumer expenditure. Their quest became more pressing after 1973, as tremendous economic difficulties strengthened the desire to control the growth of the money supply. Competition and Credit Control failed to restrict credit expansion and was modified by the introduction of the ‘credit corset’. Hire purchase terms controls returned, alongside the voluntary system for other forms of consumer credit. The failure was dramatic enough for Labour’s front bench to advocate a return to ceilings on bank advances and the withdrawal of credit cards. In office, however, Labour accepted the status quo and relaxed some controls following pressure from the consumer durables sector. The general thrust of the experience in the 1970s led officials and ministers to lose faith in the capacity of the state to effect change.
竞争与信贷控制促使政府放弃了对分期付款条款的控制,但官员们继续寻找另一种针对消费者支出的机制。1973年后,由于巨大的经济困难加强了控制货币供应增长的愿望,他们的追求变得更加紧迫。竞争与信贷控制未能限制信贷扩张,并通过引入“信贷紧身胸衣”进行了修改。与其他形式的消费信贷自愿制度一起,分期付款条款管制也恢复了。这一失败的戏剧性足以让工党的前座议员主张恢复对银行预支和取消信用卡的上限。然而,工党在执政期间接受了现状,并在耐用品行业的压力下放松了一些控制。上世纪70年代经历的普遍冲击,导致官员和部长们对国家实现变革的能力失去了信心。
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引用次数: 0
A Sisyphean Task 西西弗斯式的任务
Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198732235.003.0004
S. Aveyard, Paul Corthorn, Sean P O'connell
Chapter 3 examines debates about controls on consumer credit from late 1957 to 1964. As in Chapter 2, this chapter provides a fresh appraisal of Labour’s response to the affluent society. The party attempted to outflank the Conservatives on the issue of consumer protection. It embarrassed the Conservatives over their sluggish response to the Molony Committee’s recommendations on hire purchase legislation. The chapter also supports previous analyses that have identified the strong impact of new consumerist groups, particularly the Consumers’ Association and the weakening role of the Cooperative Movement. The issue of credit controls became more contentious. The Radcliffe Committee on monetary policy (1958) highlighted the weaknesses of the system. Of particular concern was the impact of controls on consumer durable industries. They were removed in 1958, but reintroduced, in 1960, following a dangerous rise in consumer indebtedness.
第三章考察了从1957年底到1964年关于控制消费信贷的争论。与第二章一样,这一章对工党对富裕社会的反应提供了新的评价。该党试图在消费者保护问题上包抄保守党。这让保守党对莫洛尼委员会关于租购立法的建议反应迟缓,感到尴尬。本章还支持了先前的分析,这些分析已经确定了新的消费主义团体的强大影响,特别是消费者协会和合作社运动的削弱作用。信贷控制问题变得更具争议性。拉德克利夫货币政策委员会(Radcliffe Committee on monetary policy, 1958)强调了该体系的弱点。特别令人关切的是对耐用消费品工业的管制的影响。它们在1958年被取消,但在消费者负债出现危险上升后,于1960年重新引入。
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引用次数: 4
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The Politics of Consumer Credit in the UK, 1938-1992
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