Pub Date : 2019-10-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0002
H. Melber
This chapter presents a summary background to the influences Dag Hammarskjöld was exposed to by his family during his upbringing, and the influence his father had as a Prime Minister appointed by the King during World War I. It summarizes his influential role in bringing about the Swedish welfare state as an economist (without a party membership) in the Social Democratic government during the 1930s and 1940s. It explains his internalized value system, which was that of a Swedish civil servant loyal to the public interest and the people, and how he defined and understood his contribution. It stresses his emphasis on integrity and service as a duty of life, views which were inspired by the protestant ethics of Max Weber.
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Pub Date : 2019-10-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0007
H. Melber
This chapter presents the circumstances of Hammarskjöld’s death on his way to Ndola in Northern Rhodesia for a meeting with Tshombe in a plane crash that also killed 15 others on board. Preliminary findings and evidence – which suggests that this occurrence was in fact not an accident, but rather the result of direct impact by another plane in the air – is also summarized. The steps towards a renewed investigation decided by the UN General Assembly are presented, as well as the several rounds of UN investigations and their findings until the end of 2018. The insights available suggest that it can be assumed that the plane crashed as a result of another plane being in the air when it approached for landing at Ndola, possibly with active participation of mercenaries operating in Katanga.
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Pub Date : 2019-10-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0003
H. Melber
This chapter revisits the normative frameworks on which the establishment of the United Nations were based after World War II. It includes discussion about the Atlantic Charter as a precursor to the UN Charter, and recapitulates the differences in interpretation of self-determination and sovereignty between the Western states and the nationalist movements in the Global South that were fighting against colonialism for Independence. Reference to the normative and political power of human rights discourses challenge claims that these were ineffective by Mark Mazower and Samuel Moyn. Rather, this chapter argues that their utilization by representatives of the nationalist movements in colonized territories show their relevance and the support they offered to their struggles. The condemnation of South Africa for its treatment of the Indian population is used to illustrate this point.
{"title":"The United Nations Between Empire and Emancipation","authors":"H. Melber","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter revisits the normative frameworks on which the establishment of the United Nations were based after World War II. It includes discussion about the Atlantic Charter as a precursor to the UN Charter, and recapitulates the differences in interpretation of self-determination and sovereignty between the Western states and the nationalist movements in the Global South that were fighting against colonialism for Independence. Reference to the normative and political power of human rights discourses challenge claims that these were ineffective by Mark Mazower and Samuel Moyn. Rather, this chapter argues that their utilization by representatives of the nationalist movements in colonized territories show their relevance and the support they offered to their struggles. The condemnation of South Africa for its treatment of the Indian population is used to illustrate this point.","PeriodicalId":293846,"journal":{"name":"Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nations and the Decolonisation of Africa","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130112170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0006
H. Melber
This chapter uses the case studies of the Suez crisis (1956) and the UN mandate for peacekeeping in the Congo (1960-61) to illustrate and analyze in detail the Hammarskjöld diplomacy within his value-based framework, and the context of the rivalry between the Western and Eastern bloc as well as the non-aligned countries of the Global South emerging. It suggests that Hammarskjöld practiced an anti-hegemonic policy. Particular attention is paid to the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, and the limitations placed on securing lasting peace and stability after the secession of Katanga under Moise Tshombe, and also his support from Belgium. In addition, this chapter discusses the dilemmas Hammarskjöld faced due to having a vague mandate and also increasingly conflicting with the interests of both the East and the West in the UN Security Council. It seeks to balance his achievements and failures, putting Hammarskjöld’s individual leadership into the wider context of the institutional framework. The UN Security Council’s mandates set boundaries and demarcations, which not only allowed for interventions, but often limited decisive action.
{"title":"The Scope and Limits of Dag Hammarskjöld’s Diplomacy","authors":"H. Melber","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0006","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter uses the case studies of the Suez crisis (1956) and the UN mandate for peacekeeping in the Congo (1960-61) to illustrate and analyze in detail the Hammarskjöld diplomacy within his value-based framework, and the context of the rivalry between the Western and Eastern bloc as well as the non-aligned countries of the Global South emerging. It suggests that Hammarskjöld practiced an anti-hegemonic policy. Particular attention is paid to the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, and the limitations placed on securing lasting peace and stability after the secession of Katanga under Moise Tshombe, and also his support from Belgium. In addition, this chapter discusses the dilemmas Hammarskjöld faced due to having a vague mandate and also increasingly conflicting with the interests of both the East and the West in the UN Security Council. It seeks to balance his achievements and failures, putting Hammarskjöld’s individual leadership into the wider context of the institutional framework. The UN Security Council’s mandates set boundaries and demarcations, which not only allowed for interventions, but often limited decisive action.","PeriodicalId":293846,"journal":{"name":"Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nations and the Decolonisation of Africa","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133586901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0005
H. Melber
This chapter opens with an overview of how the Cold War entered Africa and its impact on the UN Member States as well as the colonized countries seeking self-determination. It introduces the UN developmental agencies and Hammarskjöld’s approach and understanding of development, not least with regard to the role of ECOSOC. It also shows his ability to recognize the relevance of the Bandung Conference and the desire for Independence in the colonized world. It then shows how this played out in the interaction with regards to the demands for decolonization in Africa and how Hammarskjöld supported the struggles for independence and the role of the UN in strengthening governance and development in the newly independent countries.
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Pub Date : 2019-10-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0008
H. Melber
This final chapter returns to the balancing act in assessing the difference an individual in charge of a global governance body can make and where his or her limitations are depending on the institutional context and constraints. It argues that values matter and that choices are not pre-determined by origin, despite the impact of social influences in a person’s upbringing. It acknowledges that, despite being from different parts of the world, leading international civil servants share some (middle) class-based commonalities and thereby (re)produce a certain understanding, but refutes the suggestion that this translates into support of white supremacy and Western dominance. It ends with some of the assessments offered as a tribute to Dag Hammarskjöld and the role he played in the decolonization of Africa despite having been faced with institutional limitations.
{"title":"The Limits of Office","authors":"H. Melber","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"This final chapter returns to the balancing act in assessing the difference an individual in charge of a global governance body can make and where his or her limitations are depending on the institutional context and constraints. It argues that values matter and that choices are not pre-determined by origin, despite the impact of social influences in a person’s upbringing. It acknowledges that, despite being from different parts of the world, leading international civil servants share some (middle) class-based commonalities and thereby (re)produce a certain understanding, but refutes the suggestion that this translates into support of white supremacy and Western dominance. It ends with some of the assessments offered as a tribute to Dag Hammarskjöld and the role he played in the decolonization of Africa despite having been faced with institutional limitations.","PeriodicalId":293846,"journal":{"name":"Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nations and the Decolonisation of Africa","volume":"214 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115503127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190087562.003.0004
H. Melber
Firstly, this chapter illustrates the specific constellation of interests within the UN Security Council, due to which Dag Hammarskjöld became the accepted candidate to succeed Trygve Lie as second Secretary-General of the United Nations as ‘the unknown Swede’. It then summarizes his convictions, which were already internalized when he was a civil servant, as well as his loyalty to the values and principles of the UN Charter as a ‘secular bible’. Solidarity and universal humanity were among Hammarskjöld’s key notions and guided his ethics. It finally explains how Hammarskjöld defined the need of the international civil service as being independent from the individual influences and interests of UN Member States to act in neutrality to fully serve the defined principles of global governance as laid out in the UN Charter.
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