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Political Communication and COVID-19最新文献

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South Africa 南非
Pub Date : 2021-03-19 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-29
Robert Mattes, I. Glenn
In response to the first COVID-19 infections in March 2020, the South African government imposed a strict and comprehensive package of policies (including international and domestic travel bans, school and university closures, stay-at-home-orders and bans on the sale of tobacco and alcohol). While these policies were initially widely supported, criticism increased over time. Government communicators struggled to explain and justify the harsh enforcement regime, increasingly inconsistent and contradictory policy decisions and the intrusion of corruption. While South Africa appears to have limited the number of confirmed deaths, at least when compared to initial expectations, it experienced a very high level of excess deaths, in per capita terms. The response also carried with it devastating economic consequences that will be felt for years to come. © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor and Edoardo Novelli.
为应对2020年3月的首批COVID-19感染,南非政府实施了严格而全面的一揽子政策(包括国际和国内旅行禁令、学校和大学关闭、居家令以及禁止销售烟草和酒精)。虽然这些政策最初得到了广泛的支持,但随着时间的推移,批评也越来越多。政府传播者努力解释和证明严厉的执法制度、日益不一致和相互矛盾的政策决定以及腐败的侵入。虽然南非似乎限制了确认的死亡人数,至少与最初的预期相比是如此,但按人均计算,它的超额死亡人数非常高。这种反应还带来了毁灭性的经济后果,这种后果将在未来数年都能感受到。©2021选择和编辑事项,Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor和Edoardo Novelli。
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引用次数: 0
Political communication and COVID-19 政治沟通与COVID-19
Pub Date : 2021-03-18 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-32
D. Lilleker, I. Coman, M. Gregor, E. Novelli
This concluding chapter draws together data from the case study chapters to gain an understanding of the role of political communication during the pandemic and the way strategies were instituted within nations. We find across the phases of the crisis a range of differing strategies but four common themes. Firstly, crises exacerbate the trend towards personalisation. Secondly, the crucial role of the mass media in informing the public, but also the fact that tensions between the political and media spheres remain prevalent. Thirdly, we suggest that social media plays a largely positive role, despite being described as causing an infodemic, it was used far more to bring communities together. Finally, where misinformation prevailed, and tensions over measures became prominent, this was due to severe systemic polarisation existing which prevented messages of unity and calls to rally around the flag being adhered to. Hence political crises and instability create the conditions for the effects of a pandemic to be felt worse;given the parlous state of many of the world’s populations, these factors are likely to exacerbate this or future crises. © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Miloš Gregor and Edoardo Novelli.
最后一章汇集了案例研究章节的数据,以了解大流行期间政治传播的作用以及各国制定战略的方式。在危机的各个阶段,我们发现了一系列不同的策略,但有四个共同的主题。首先,危机加剧了个性化的趋势。第二,大众传播媒介在向公众提供信息方面的关键作用,以及政治和传播媒介领域之间的紧张关系仍然普遍存在的事实。第三,我们认为社交媒体在很大程度上起着积极的作用,尽管它被描述为导致信息流行,但它更多地用于将社区聚集在一起。最后,在错误信息盛行的地方,有关措施的紧张局势变得突出,这是由于存在严重的系统性两极分化,这阻碍了团结的信息和团结在旗帜周围的呼吁得到遵守。因此,政治危机和不稳定为大流行病的影响变得更糟创造了条件;鉴于世界上许多人口的危险状况,这些因素很可能加剧当前或未来的危机。©2021选择和编辑事项,Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, milosi Gregor和Edoardo Novelli。
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引用次数: 29
The Czech Republic 捷克共和国
Pub Date : 2021-03-18 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-25
Otto Eibl, M. Gregor
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引用次数: 1
The UK 英国
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-16
R. Garland, D. Lilleker
When COVID-19 was found to be present in the UK, it was emerging from three years of political instability led by a government who had just acquired a significant majority on the platform of getting Brexit done. After some initial vacillation on the extent of the threat posed and how to minimise impact on the economy, the UK went into full lockdown with a clear, consistent message largely unchallenged. The lack of preparedness for a pandemic was obvious;however, the systems coped. It was only when it was revealed that the prime minister’s special adviser had broken lockdown rules that cracks in the consensus emerged. The relaxation of lockdown proceeded to be more chaotic, with U-turns on schools and face coverings, but the sense of national purpose and unity remains strong. © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor and Edoardo Novelli.
当英国发现COVID-19时,它刚刚摆脱了三年的政治不稳定,而政府刚刚在脱欧的平台上获得了绝大多数席位。在对所构成的威胁程度以及如何将对经济的影响降至最低的初步犹豫之后,英国进入了全面封锁,并发出了一个明确、一致的信息,基本上没有受到质疑。对大流行缺乏准备是显而易见的;然而,这些系统应对了。直到总理特别顾问违反封锁规定的事实被揭露后,共识才出现裂痕。解除封锁后变得更加混乱,人们对学校的态度发生了180度大转变,人们戴着口罩,但国家使命感和团结感依然强烈。©2021选择和编辑事项,Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor和Edoardo Novelli。
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引用次数: 3
Sweden 瑞典
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-15
Bengt Johansson, Orla Vigsø
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引用次数: 5
Norway 挪威
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-22
Bente Kalsnes, E. Skogerbø
The Norwegian approach to COVID-19 can more than anything else be seen as pragmatic and flexible, adjusting to the constantly shifting situation in the aftermath of the virus. At the time of writing (September 2020), Norway has 264 confirmed COVID-19 deaths, and approximately 10,000 infected cases. March and April were the time with the highest number of infections, while the curve flattened between May and August. The major restrictions, more or less a lockdown of the country, were implemented on March 12. These measures were described by the Prime Minister Erna Solberg as ‘the strongest and most invasive measures in Norway in peacetime.' New measures have been introduced and eased, according to the current situation and the latest knowledge and experiences with the disease. We call it a pragmatic approach as it is openly experimental and relies on learning by doing and adaptation by measures both to local and specific circumstances. © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor and Edoardo Novelli.
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引用次数: 1
The EU 的我
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-8
Dennis Lichtenstein
Since the European Union (EU) has limited crisis management capacities, its decision-making processes highly depend on cooperation between its 27 member states. Crises provide opportunities for the EU to extent its competences. During the COVID-19 pandemic, however, the European Commission (EC) was late in responding and failed to prevent fragmented national responses. The EU’s activities in crisis management increased and became more decisive in March 2020 and, since then, they have been mainly related to the internal market and economic recovery as well as to coordinating health and research. In its crisis communication, the EC used a managerial framing by informing on crisis interventions and their costs, combined rhetoric of apologia with calls for solidarity and cooperation and promoted a renewal discourse by framing the crisis as an opportunity for modernisation and the emergence of a new powerful Europe. This frame of hope, however, was contrasted by controversy between member states in the European Council about the financing of recovery strategies. Even though the EU has thus failed to demonstrate unity in face of the crisis, negotiations between the member states resulted in an extension of the EC’s fiscal competences. © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor and Edoardo Novelli.
由于欧盟危机管理能力有限,其决策过程高度依赖于27个成员国之间的合作。危机为欧盟提供了扩大其能力的机会。然而,在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,欧盟委员会反应较晚,未能防止各国采取分散的应对措施。欧盟在危机管理方面的活动有所增加,并在2020年3月变得更具决定性,从那时起,这些活动主要与内部市场和经济复苏以及协调卫生和研究有关。在危机沟通中,欧共体通过告知危机干预措施及其成本,使用了管理框架,将道歉的言辞与呼吁团结合作结合起来,并通过将危机视为现代化和新强大欧洲出现的机会,促进了一种更新的话语。然而,这一希望框架与欧洲理事会成员国之间关于复苏战略融资的争议形成了对比。尽管欧盟因此未能在危机面前表现出团结,但成员国之间的谈判导致了欧盟财政能力的扩大。©2021选择和编辑事项,Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor和Edoardo Novelli。
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引用次数: 7
The United States 美国
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-7
J. Callahan
The US response to COVID-19 has followed predictable patterns given recent US history. In recent decades, Americans have become accustomed to the politicisation of every issue. 2020 provided a perfect storm for debate, with the election campaign underway. With this as background, the COVID-19 crisis became a crisis of political communication. This chapter reviews the key milestones and communication events of the period from December 2019 to the end of May 2020 and focuses on pivotal administration speeches, in particular direct statements by President Donald Trump. The over-politicisation of the crisis has led to a general mistrust of science and scientists by the American public, a fact which has significantly exacerbated the COVID-19 crisis. © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor and Edoardo Novelli.
鉴于美国最近的历史,美国对COVID-19的反应遵循了可预测的模式。近几十年来,美国人已经习惯了每个问题的政治化。随着竞选活动的进行,2020年为辩论提供了一场完美的风暴。在这种背景下,新冠疫情危机演变成了政治沟通危机。本章回顾了2019年12月至2020年5月底期间的重要里程碑和沟通事件,重点介绍了关键的政府演讲,特别是唐纳德·特朗普总统的直接声明。这场危机的过度政治化导致美国公众普遍不信任科学和科学家,这一事实大大加剧了新冠肺炎危机。©2021选择和编辑事项,Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor和Edoardo Novelli。
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引用次数: 1
Germany 德国
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-11
I. Borucki, U. Klinger
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引用次数: 0
France 法国
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781003120254-9
P. Guigo
COVID-19 emerged as a new crisis on top of several others which have dogged the Emmanuel Macron presidency. Government had to face this unprecedented crisis despite significant unpopularity. Media and government seemed at first flabbergasted by the unexpected pandemic. The executive needed time to find a coherent crisis communication strategy as the numbers of cases and deaths mounted and measures had to be introduced to halt the spread. Throughout, it has also had to deal with numerous criticisms from the medical profession largely reported by media regarding the government’s handling of the pandemic. Doctors appeared as the new heroes in the crisis giving lessons to government and expertise to the public opinion on the virus. More and more, the communication of President Emmanuel Macron and Prime Minister Edouard Philippe diverged. Macron tried to unite the French population using a war vocabulary. But it is finally Prime Minister Philippe who benefitted from the crisis most, emerging more precise in his announcements and more serious in his action. © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Darren Lilleker, Ioana A. Coman, Milos Gregor and Edoardo Novelli.
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Political Communication and COVID-19
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