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The Undersea Network 海底网络
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.191754
Kristin Decker
Starosielski, N. (2015) The Undersea Network. Durham: Duke University PressBook reviewRarely did a book on my desk get as much attention of colleagues passing by as this one, thanks to its cover showing two massive, concrete-coated cables which mysteriously emanate from the water somewhere in Guam, at a sandy shore of the Pacific Ocean. Withered and overcome with rust, these cables could be the relicts of a bygone era; they are, in fact, part of today's network infrastructure that directs the largest part of data traffic between North America, Asia, and Australia and keeps many digital lives working the way they do.Given that undersea cables are absent from daily experience and remain invisible for most of its users, it might come as a surprise that such hefty material is still needed for running the Internet. More and more ordinary activities - both professional and profane - require a network connection and (ever larger) amounts of data, but the cable infrastructure behind these activities is hardly taken into account when the vices and virtues of living within digital technologies are discussed. "Although contemporary networking continues to depend on wired infrastructure, we lack a language - beyond terms like 'a series of tubes' - to describe just how grounded these systems remain" (p. 9), states Nicole Starosielski and experiments with constructing that very language in her debut monograph which explores the transpacific cable network historically and ethnographically. By following the network's route, the author reconstructs some of the immense efforts mobilized for the construction of this infrastructure as well as the numerous frictions - technical, environmental, economic, political - that occurred during that process, rebuking the notion of the Internet as a seemingly free-floating and delocalized entity and turning it into a place-bound and fragile matter in need of incessant "repair and maintenance" (Graham & Thrift 2007).Far and wide travels through 13 countries and some amount of patience were required to get hold of a recalcitrant object of ethnographic inquiry that only surfaces at scattered landing points all along the shores of the Pacific Ocean and at cable stations usually kept under surveillance and hidden from view (with the notable exception of Papenoo, Tahiti, where the cable landing point has become a memorial site). When Starosielski opens her diary, sketching the diverse environments, both material and cultural, the network runs through, it dawns on the reader that every mile of her strenuous journey has been worthwhile. Hard to imagine how an exclusively historical or theoretical account could have depicted the infrastructure's manifold contours in such stunning concreteness.The author digs out traces of the undersea network by means of interviews, observations, and analyses of a wide range of written sources, contemporary and historical, and puts the materiality of the network centre stage in most of the book's six c
Starosielski, N.(2015)海底网络。在我的书桌上,很少有一本书像这本一样引起同事的注意,因为它的封面上有两根巨大的混凝土涂层电缆,神秘地从太平洋沙滩上关岛的某个地方的水中散发出来。这些枯萎生锈的电缆可能是过去时代的遗迹;事实上,它们是当今网络基础设施的一部分,引导着北美、亚洲和澳大利亚之间的大部分数据流量,并保持着许多数字生活的正常运转。考虑到海底电缆不存在于日常生活中,对大多数用户来说仍然是隐形的,互联网运行仍然需要如此笨重的材料,这可能会让人感到惊讶。越来越多的日常活动——无论是专业的还是世俗的——都需要网络连接和(越来越大的)数据量,但当讨论生活在数字技术中的利弊时,这些活动背后的电缆基础设施几乎没有被考虑在内。“尽管当代网络继续依赖于有线基础设施,但我们缺乏一种语言——除了像‘一系列管道’这样的术语——来描述这些系统到底有多基础”(第9页),妮可·斯塔罗西斯基(Nicole Starosielski)说,并在她的处女作专著中尝试构建这种语言,该专著从历史和民族学角度探索了跨太平洋有线网络。通过遵循网络的路线,作者重建了一些为建设这一基础设施而付出的巨大努力,以及在这一过程中发生的无数摩擦——技术、环境、经济、政治——谴责了互联网作为一个看似自由浮动和非本地化实体的概念,并将其转变为一个需要不断“修理和维护”的地方约束和脆弱的物质(Graham & Thrift 2007)。经过13个国家的长途跋涉,需要一定的耐心,才能找到一个难以控制的人种学研究对象,它只出现在太平洋沿岸分散的登岸点和通常被监视和隐藏的有线电台(塔希提岛的帕皮努除外,那里的电缆登岸点已成为纪念地点)。当斯塔罗赛尔斯基打开她的日记,勾勒出这个网络贯穿的物质和文化环境的多样性时,读者就会明白,她艰苦旅程的每一英里都是值得的。很难想象,一个专门的历史或理论描述如何能以如此惊人的具体方式描绘出基础设施的多种轮廓。作者通过采访、观察和分析大量当代和历史的书面资料,挖掘出海底网络的痕迹,并在书中六个章节的大部分时间里把网络的重要性放在中心位置,她称之为“网络考古学”(第15页)。她首先概述了从电报时代到现在的光纤系统,将它们的历史锚定在所谓的“铜缆殖民主义”中(第31页),然后分析了围绕有线网络的不同流行话语领域,区分了“连接和中断”与“节点和传输叙事”(第67f页)。后续章节的主题更加多样化,例如ATT劳工空间组织的变化,电缆公司,政府机构和当地居民之间的斗争,他们的土地受到电缆铺设的影响,公司大多赢得了竞争;偏远岛屿对整个网络运作的关键作用以及它们易受不断变化的权力地理的影响,例如密克罗尼西亚联邦之一雅浦,它曾经是网络的一个重要通道。…
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引用次数: 0
Linking Social Capital, Cultural Capital and Heterotopia at the Folk Festival 民间节庆中的社会资本、文化资本与异托邦
Pub Date : 2016-07-01 DOI: 10.21427/D7BP6G
B. Quinn, Linda Wilks
IntroductionThis paper seeks to investigate the role of the folk festival in transforming interconnections between people, space and culture. It uses data collected at two longestablished folk festivals: Sidmouth Folk Week in southern England and Feakle Traditional Music Festival in western Ireland and draws on and interlinks three sets of theoretical ideas: social capital, cultural capital and heterotopia.First, it conceives of festivals as "other" places, in line with Foucault's 1967 (Foucault 1984, Foucault 2008) writings on the concept of heterotopia. It uses empirical evidence from two cases to investigate how different social relations are fostered within the festival place as heterotopia. Having used Foucault's concept of heterotopia to investigate how social relations become changed, this paper then draws on theories of social capital (Bourdieu 2002 [1986]; Putnam 2000) to deepen understanding of how these processes are facilitated through the workings of the festivals. It investigates the extent to which these changed social relations impact on bonding and bridging social capital; and the role played by cultural capital. The paper concludes by suggesting how these three sets of theoretical ideas could be combined into a useful conceptual framework which would enable others to further investigate these issues.Festivals as other placesFor Foucault, festivals constitute an example of what he termed heterotopia (Foucault 1984: 7). Heterotopic sites (Foucault 1984: 3) are defined as ones in which all the other real sites within a culture are simultaneously represented, contested and inverted: the relationship of the heterotopic site is to "suspect, neutralize or invert the set of relations that they happen to designate, mirror or reflect." Foucault went on to explain that six principles underpin the idea of heterotopia: (1) all cultures constitute heterotopias, although in varied forms, (2) their function can change over time, (3) they juxtapose several incompatible sites within a single real place, (4) they break or disrupt traditional concepts of time, (5) they may require certain acts, performances or rituals to gain entry to them, and (6) they exist only in relation to all other sites and spaces. Heterotopia is a wide-ranging but under-developed conceptual framework which includes both macro and micro elements. Foucault himself did not fully develop the concept, and he has been criticised accordingly (Johnson 2013). However, it has been widely used by researchers who, like Saldanha (2008: 20181), interpret heterotopias as "countersites," standing "in an ambivalent, though mostly oppositional, relation to society's mainstream." Saldanha goes on to explain that in contrast to utopias, heterotopias are located in real, physical, space-time, and serve to temporarily introduce different ways of ordering society and space into particular places, at particular times. For Hetherington (1997:40), meanwhile, heterotopias are spaces where "an altern
本文旨在探讨民间节日在改变人、空间和文化之间的相互联系方面的作用。它使用了两个历史悠久的民间节日收集的数据:英格兰南部的西德茅斯民间周和爱尔兰西部的菲克勒传统音乐节,并借鉴和联系了三套理论思想:社会资本、文化资本和异托邦。首先,它将节日视为“他者”的场所,这与福柯1967年(Foucault 1984, Foucault 2008)关于异托邦概念的著作一致。本文运用两个案例的经验证据来考察作为异托邦的节日场所如何培育不同的社会关系。在使用福柯的异托邦概念来研究社会关系是如何变化的之后,本文随后借鉴了社会资本理论(Bourdieu 2002 [1986];Putnam 2000),以加深对如何通过节日的运作促进这些过程的理解。它调查了这些变化的社会关系对联系和桥接社会资本的影响程度;以及文化资本所扮演的角色。本文最后建议如何将这三套理论思想结合成一个有用的概念框架,使其他人能够进一步研究这些问题。对于福柯来说,节日构成了他所谓的异托邦的一个例子(福柯1984:7)。异位场所(福柯1984:3)被定义为一个文化中所有其他真实场所同时被代表、竞争和颠倒的场所:异位场所的关系是“怀疑、中和或颠倒它们碰巧指定、镜像或反映的一组关系”。福柯接着解释了支撑异托邦理念的六个原则:(1)所有文化都构成了异托邦,尽管形式各异;(2)它们的功能会随着时间的推移而改变;(3)它们在一个真实的地方并置了几个不相容的地点;(4)它们打破或破坏了传统的时间概念;(5)它们可能需要某些行为、表演或仪式才能进入它们;(6)它们只存在于与所有其他地点和空间的关系中。异托邦是一个广泛但尚未开发的概念框架,包括宏观和微观因素。福柯本人并没有完全发展这个概念,因此他受到了相应的批评(Johnson 2013)。然而,它已被Saldanha(2008: 20181)等研究人员广泛使用,他们将异托邦解释为“对立面”,站在“与社会主流的矛盾关系中,尽管主要是对立的关系”。Saldanha继续解释说,与乌托邦相反,异托邦位于真实的、物理的、时空中,并在特定的时间、特定的地点暂时引入不同的社会和空间秩序方式。与此同时,对于Hetherington(1997:40)来说,异托邦是“执行另一种社会秩序”的空间,与“社会中存在的社会秩序的世俗观念”形成对比。虽然所有的异托邦原则在节日研究中都有价值,并且确实在该领域有很大的应用空间,但本文重点强调了其中两个原则所显示的特殊前景。首先,异托邦可以在一个空间内并置几个空间:几个本身不相容的位置。根据德阿纳翻译的注释(福柯2008:23),“位置”一词是一个表示“离散空间”的技术术语,而不是一个实际的地点或地点,尽管福柯偶尔也用它来表示后两者。福柯举了剧院的例子,它展示了一系列的地方,还有电影,它可以把三维空间投影到二维屏幕上。按照福柯的说法,花园是矛盾安置的一个重要例子。…
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引用次数: 32
Challenging Institutional Analysis and Development 挑战制度分析与发展
Pub Date : 2012-12-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780203876282
A. Matei
Paul Dragos Aligica and Peter J. Boettke (2009). Challenging Institutional Analysis and Development. The Bloomington School. London and New-York: Routledge.ReviewThe recent passing of distinguished professors Elinor and Vincent Ostrom has bereaved the academic community of the guidance of two prominent scholars. Their intellectual generosity was at the heart of a novel way of doing research: in a collaborative manner, professors and apprentices working side by side, across disciplinary barriers and bringing together diverse research methods and tools, exactly like in a Workshop. This is how the institution they have created at Indiana University was called, a Workshop. While this may sound for some as a very familiar way of doing research nowadays, this was not at all the case when the workshop was founded in 1973. Moreover, they set the foundations for a complex and novel way of building social theory and for connecting it to its practical facet, institutional development and policy analysis.An overview of their legacy and their fundamental contribution to the advancement of research in social sciences is only natural in such circumstances. To achieve this, I am using Paul Dragos Aligica's and Petter Boettke's book "Challenging Institutional Analysis and Development. The Bloomington School" as a vehicle. The book undertakes a careful consideration of the essential contributions to social science Elinor and Vincent Ostrom have brought.The purpose of the above mentioned work is to present in a systematic and comprehensive manner the foundations of the Bloomington School to social science scholars, students and researchers. In the authors' own words, the book is an attempt to "explore, reconstruct and outline the elements of the basic vision of the Bloomington research program in institutional analysis and development - the assumptions, themes and basic philosophy that frame the research activity and theory building done by the scholars associated with this School" (Aligica & Boettke, 2009, p. 4). While the work on common-pool resources and on federalism is better known, this is an outline of the larger context in which this type of research was developed, its history, main premises and concepts.The book is structured in three parts and six chapters, to which the conclusions and a postscript are to be added. The first part presents the theory of governance systems as a natural outgrowth of the 1960s and 1970s debates on metropolitan reform. These chapters introduce the main concepts on which the institutional analysis theoretical framework was built: policentricity and monocentricity, public economy and industry, co-production, the nature of goods and services, and public entrepreneurship. The second part illuminates the reader with regard to the social philosophy developed by Vincent Ostrom, a philosophy that integrates reflections on the "nature of social order, the tension between freedom and organization, the nature and functions of social rule
Paul Dragos Aligica和Peter J. Boettke(2009)。挑战制度分析与发展。布卢明顿学校。伦敦和纽约:劳特利奇出版社。最近,著名教授埃莉诺·奥斯特罗姆和文森特·奥斯特罗姆去世,学术界失去了两位杰出学者的指导。他们在智力上的慷慨是一种新颖研究方式的核心:以合作的方式,教授和学徒并肩工作,跨越学科障碍,汇集各种研究方法和工具,就像在研讨会上一样。这就是他们在印第安纳大学创建的机构被称为“工作坊”的原因。虽然对一些人来说,这听起来是一种非常熟悉的研究方式,但在1973年讲习班成立时,情况并非如此。此外,它们为建立社会理论并将其与实践方面、体制发展和政策分析联系起来的复杂而新颖的方式奠定了基础。在这种情况下,对他们的遗产和他们对社会科学研究进步的根本贡献进行概述是很自然的。为了达到这个目的,我引用了Paul Dragos Aligica和Petter Boettke的书《挑战制度分析和发展》。布卢明顿学校”作为载体。这本书认真考虑了埃莉诺和文森特·奥斯特罗姆对社会科学的重要贡献。上述工作的目的是以系统和全面的方式向社会科学学者、学生和研究人员介绍布卢明顿学派的基础。用作者自己的话说,这本书试图“探索、重建和概述布卢明顿研究项目在制度分析和发展方面的基本愿景的要素——假设、主题和基本哲学,这些假设、主题和基本哲学构成了与该学院有关的学者的研究活动和理论建设”(Aligica & Boettke, 2009,第4页)。这是一个更大的背景下,这类研究的发展,它的历史,主要前提和概念的大纲。本书分为三部分和六章,并在此基础上加上结论和附言。第一部分将治理体系理论作为20世纪60年代和70年代都市改革辩论的自然产物。这些章节介绍了建立制度分析理论框架的主要概念:政策中心和单中心、公共经济和工业、合作生产、商品和服务的性质以及公共企业家精神。第二部分向读者介绍文森特·奥斯特罗姆(Vincent Ostrom)发展的社会哲学,这种哲学整合了对“社会秩序的本质、自由与组织之间的紧张关系、社会规则的本质和功能、思想和信仰体系在制度秩序和变革中的作用”的反思。第三部分将布卢明顿学派置于其更大的知识背景中,作为一种范式,它与社会科学的最新发展密切相关,并为公共选择的出现做出了贡献,同时又带回了托克维尔、亚当·斯密、亚历山大·汉密尔顿、詹姆斯·麦迪逊或约翰·洛克等古典作家的分析方式。在结论中,布卢明顿学派被认为是在推进“结社科学”、“公民科学”和“自由科学”。后记中的两次采访让读者有机会了解商学院创始人的自我介绍方式,以及他们的主要理论和实践创新。此外,我将介绍这一理论所基于的主要概念和命题,以及对我们目前进行社会研究和政策分析的方式的主要影响。…
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引用次数: 67
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Journal of Comparative Research in Anthropology and Sociology
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