Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_006
J. Barddal, T. Eythórsson
As a reaction to three different proposals on how to reconstruct basic word order for Proto-Indo-European, Watkins and his contemporaries in the 1970s succeeded in aborting any attempt at reconstructing syntax for a long time to come. As a consequence, syntactic reconstruction has generally been abandoned, regarded as a doomed enterprise by historical linguists for several different reasons, one of which is the alleged difficulty in identifying cognates in syntax. Later, Watkins (1995) proposed a research program aimed at reconstructing larger units of grammar, including syntactic structures, by means of identifying morphological flags that are parts of larger syntactic entities. As a response to this, we show how cognate argument structure constructions may be identified, through a) cognate lexical verbs, b) cognate case frames, c) cognate predicate structure and d) cognate case morphology. We then propose to advance Watkins’ program, by identifying cognate argument structure constructions with the aid of non-cognate, but synonymous, lexical predicates. As a consequence, it will not only be possible to identify cognate argument structure constructions across a deeper time span, it will also be possible to carry out semantic reconstruction on the basis of lexical-semantic verb classes.
{"title":"How to Identify Cognates in Syntax? Taking Watkins’ Legacy One Step Further","authors":"J. Barddal, T. Eythórsson","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_006","url":null,"abstract":"As a reaction to three different proposals on how to reconstruct basic word order for Proto-Indo-European, Watkins and his contemporaries in the 1970s succeeded in aborting any attempt at reconstructing syntax for a long time to come. As a consequence, syntactic reconstruction has generally been abandoned, regarded as a doomed enterprise by historical linguists for several different reasons, one of which is the alleged difficulty in identifying cognates in syntax. Later, Watkins (1995) proposed a research program aimed at reconstructing larger units of grammar, including syntactic structures, by means of identifying morphological flags that are parts of larger syntactic entities. As a response to this, we show how cognate argument structure constructions may be identified, through a) cognate lexical verbs, b) cognate case frames, c) cognate predicate structure and d) cognate case morphology. We then propose to advance Watkins’ program, by identifying cognate argument structure constructions with the aid of non-cognate, but synonymous, lexical predicates. As a consequence, it will not only be possible to identify cognate argument structure constructions across a deeper time span, it will also be possible to carry out semantic reconstruction on the basis of lexical-semantic verb classes.","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114919687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_002
Spike Gildea, E. Luján, J. Barddal
The general consensus in the historical linguistics community for the last half a century or so has been that syntactic reconstruction is a bootless and unsuccessful venture. However, this view has slowly but steadily been changing among historical linguists, typologists, and anthropological linguists alike. More and more syntactic reconstructions are being published by respectable and virtuous publication venues. The debate on the viability of syntactic reconstruction, however, continues, and issues like i) lack of cognates, ii) lack of arbitrariness in syntax, iii) lack of directionality in syntactic change, iv) lack of continuous transmission from one generation to the next, and v) lack of form–meaning correspondences have, drop by drop, been argued not to be problematic for syntactic reconstruction. The present volume contributes to two of these issues in detail; first the issue of reliably identifying cognates in syntax and second, the issue of directionality in syntactic change. A systematic program is suggested for identifying cognates in syntax, which by definition is a different enterprise from identifying cognates in phonology or morphology. Examples are given from several different language families: Indo-European, Semitic, Austronesian, Jê, Cariban, and Chibchan. Regarding the issue of directionality for syntactic reconstruction, most of the studies in this volume also demonstrate how local directionality may be identified with the aid of different types of morphosyntactic flags, particularly showcased with examples from Chibchan, Semitic, and various Indo-European languages.
{"title":"The Curious Case of Reconstruction in Syntax","authors":"Spike Gildea, E. Luján, J. Barddal","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_002","url":null,"abstract":"The general consensus in the historical linguistics community for the last half a century or so has been that syntactic reconstruction is a bootless and unsuccessful venture. However, this view has slowly but steadily been changing among historical linguists, typologists, and anthropological linguists alike. More and more syntactic reconstructions are being published by respectable and virtuous publication venues. The debate on the viability of syntactic reconstruction, however, continues, and issues like i) lack of cognates, ii) lack of arbitrariness in syntax, iii) lack of directionality in syntactic change, iv) lack of continuous transmission from one generation to the next, and v) lack of form–meaning correspondences have, drop by drop, been argued not to be problematic for syntactic reconstruction. The present volume contributes to two of these issues in detail; first the issue of reliably identifying cognates in syntax and second, the issue of directionality in syntactic change. A systematic program is suggested for identifying cognates in syntax, which by definition is a different enterprise from identifying cognates in phonology or morphology. Examples are given from several different language families: Indo-European, Semitic, Austronesian, Jê, Cariban, and Chibchan. Regarding the issue of directionality for syntactic reconstruction, most of the studies in this volume also demonstrate how local directionality may be identified with the aid of different types of morphosyntactic flags, particularly showcased with examples from Chibchan, Semitic, and various Indo-European languages.","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"298 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116101388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_008
N. Lavidas, L. Kulikov
The aim of this article is to examine the directionality of change in Voice in relation to Tense/Aspect, foremost based on evidence from Greek as well as additional evidence from Early Vedic. Starting with the hypothesis that in (standard) Proto-Indo-European a number of innovations resulted in the introduction of some elements of the Perfect-Stative inflection into the Present (cf. Kulikov & Lavidas 2013), we study the directionality of change in Voice. We show that the original relationship between Tense/ Aspect and Voice determines the directionality of change in Voice in Greek. Basing our study on the analysis of Vedic active Perfects that are intransitive and belong with middle Presents, we claim that this initial relationship between Voice and Tense/ Aspect can be reconstructed on the basis of some tendencies and changes found in several Indo-European dialects, in particular in Greek forms. We also argue that the relationship between Tense/Aspect and Voice in the diachrony of Greek depends on the new features acquired by the voice morphology as well as on the development of the categories Tense and Aspect.
{"title":"Voice, Transitivity and Tense/Aspect: Directionality of Change in Indo-European (Evidence from Greek and Vedic)","authors":"N. Lavidas, L. Kulikov","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_008","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to examine the directionality of change in Voice in relation to \u0000Tense/Aspect, foremost based on evidence from Greek as well as additional evidence \u0000from Early Vedic. Starting with the hypothesis that in (standard) Proto-Indo-European \u0000a number of innovations resulted in the introduction of some elements of the \u0000Perfect-Stative inflection into the Present (cf. Kulikov & Lavidas 2013), we study the directionality \u0000of change in Voice. We show that the original relationship between Tense/ \u0000Aspect and Voice determines the directionality of change in Voice in Greek. Basing \u0000our study on the analysis of Vedic active Perfects that are intransitive and belong with \u0000middle Presents, we claim that this initial relationship between Voice and Tense/ \u0000Aspect can be reconstructed on the basis of some tendencies and changes found in \u0000several Indo-European dialects, in particular in Greek forms. We also argue that the \u0000relationship between Tense/Aspect and Voice in the diachrony of Greek depends on \u0000the new features acquired by the voice morphology as well as on the development of \u0000the categories Tense and Aspect.","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115861416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_003
Spike Gildea, Flávia de Castro Alves
In this article, we take the strong position that syntactic constructions can be reconstructed, first by identifying constructional cognates, then by identifying evidence for the directionality of constructional change that best explains the modern distribution of the cognate constructions from the hypothesized source construction. Further, we argue that the grammatical properties of the resultant constructions are often best explained by a combination of their etymological source(s) and the evolutionary pathways by which they arise. We illustrate these larger theoretical claims by reconstructing a typologically unusual set of constructions in the Jê and Cariban families, which present a rare ergative alignment pattern we call nominative-absolutive. Prior to 2010 this alignment pattern, which combines nominative free pronouns and absolutive verbal indexation, was held to be impossible, and it remains attested in very few language families. In the Jê and Cariban languages, this alignment type always occurs as part of ergative splits conditioned by TAM, which are again counter to previously claimed universals in that they are conditioned by future tense, imperfective aspects, and agent-oriented modalities. We reconstruct the sources of these nominative-absolutive constructions and then argue that the unusual formal properties and functional distributions of the nominative-absolutive clause types are both best understood as combinations of typologically unusual source constructions that follow well-established diachronic pathways of tense-aspect-mood renewal.
{"title":"Reconstructing the Source of Nominative- Absolutive Alignment in Two Amazonian Language Families","authors":"Spike Gildea, Flávia de Castro Alves","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_003","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we take the strong position that syntactic constructions can be reconstructed, first by identifying constructional cognates, then by identifying evidence for the directionality of constructional change that best explains the modern distribution of the cognate constructions from the hypothesized source construction. Further, we argue that the grammatical properties of the resultant constructions are often best explained by a combination of their etymological source(s) and the evolutionary pathways by which they arise. We illustrate these larger theoretical claims by reconstructing a typologically unusual set of constructions in the Jê and Cariban families, which present a rare ergative alignment pattern we call nominative-absolutive. Prior to 2010 this alignment pattern, which combines nominative free pronouns and absolutive verbal indexation, was held to be impossible, and it remains attested in very few language families. In the Jê and Cariban languages, this alignment type always occurs as part of ergative splits conditioned by TAM, which are again counter to previously claimed universals in that they are conditioned by future tense, imperfective aspects, and agent-oriented modalities. We reconstruct the sources of these nominative-absolutive constructions and then argue that the unusual formal properties and functional distributions of the nominative-absolutive clause types are both best understood as combinations of typologically unusual source constructions that follow well-established diachronic pathways of tense-aspect-mood renewal.","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121452789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_005
S. Luraghi
Two external possessor constructions occur in ancient Indo-European languages: the dative external possessor construction, and the double case construction. They both indicate adnominal possession by means of syntactically independent NPs, and basi-cally refer to inalienable possession. In this article, I analyze the two constructions, describe their meaning and their syntactic properties, and review the comparative evidence for each of them. Neither construction is uniformly attested throughout the Indo-European language family. In addition, the dative external possessor construction seems to be quite unstable over time. Based on the data presented, I conclude that the former can be reconstructed as an original Proto-Indo-European construction, while the latter must be regarded as a language specific construction, with different properties in the languages in which it occurs.
{"title":"External Possessor Constructions in Indo-European","authors":"S. Luraghi","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_005","url":null,"abstract":"Two external possessor constructions occur in ancient Indo-European languages: the dative external possessor construction, and the double case construction. They both indicate adnominal possession by means of syntactically independent NPs, and basi-cally refer to inalienable possession. In this article, I analyze the two constructions, describe their meaning and their syntactic properties, and review the comparative evidence for each of them. Neither construction is uniformly attested throughout the Indo-European language family. In addition, the dative external possessor construction seems to be quite unstable over time. Based on the data presented, I conclude that the former can be reconstructed as an original Proto-Indo-European construction, while the latter must be regarded as a language specific construction, with different properties in the languages in which it occurs.","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116756799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_004
Ritsuko Kikusawa
This article focuses on the methodology for syntactic reconstruction in languages without a written record from the past. The idea is to follow the principles of the Comparative Method, the scientific procedure to compare and reconstruct sounds and lexical items in various proto-languages. The method originally developed out of the comparison and reconstruction of classic languages in Indo-European languages, but has been successfully applied to Austronesian languages, where information about old forms of languages is hardly available from literature. The claim in this article is that there are ways to conduct syntactic reconstruction with languages without a written record. It is shown that, by using correct comparanda and by combining structural analyses with results of sound and lexical reconstruction, clause structures of such languages can be compared and reconstructed, and the developmental paths from one system to another can be traced.
{"title":"Conducting Syntactic Reconstruction of Languages with No Written Records","authors":"Ritsuko Kikusawa","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_004","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on the methodology for syntactic reconstruction in languages without a written record from the past. The idea is to follow the principles of the Comparative Method, the scientific procedure to compare and reconstruct sounds and lexical items in various proto-languages. The method originally developed out of the comparison and reconstruction of classic languages in Indo-European languages, but has been successfully applied to Austronesian languages, where information about old forms of languages is hardly available from literature. The claim in this article is that there are ways to conduct syntactic reconstruction with languages without a written record. It is shown that, by using correct comparanda and by combining structural analyses with results of sound and lexical reconstruction, clause structures of such languages can be compared and reconstructed, and the developmental paths from one system to another can be traced.","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123269810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_007
Sara Pacchiarotti
Bribri and Cabécar are Chibchan languages spoken in Costa Rica in contiguous territories.1 Both languages display two distinct ergative markers, diachronically unrelated in any obvious way. The canonical, standard ergative marker is tö in Bribri (1) and të in Cabécar (2). A further ergative marker wã seems to be construction-determined and is more restricted in terms of usage. It is found, among others, in the perfect construction, cf. (3) and (4).
{"title":"On the Origins of the Ergative Marker wã in the Viceitic Languages of the Chibchan Family","authors":"Sara Pacchiarotti","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_007","url":null,"abstract":"Bribri and Cabécar are Chibchan languages spoken in Costa Rica in contiguous territories.1 Both languages display two distinct ergative markers, diachronically unrelated in any obvious way. The canonical, standard ergative marker is tö in Bribri (1) and të in Cabécar (2). A further ergative marker wã seems to be construction-determined and is more restricted in terms of usage. It is found, among others, in the perfect construction, cf. (3) and (4).","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115778116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_010
E. Luján, Ángel López Chala
Traditional approaches to the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European nominal morphosyntax have operated by first reconstructing the set of morphological cases for every declensional type, and then attempting to establish the meaning of the different cases, regardless of the specific ending that was used for each declensional type. However, more insight can be gained into the reconstruction of the nominal syntax of proto-languages by applying the concepts and methodologies developed in recent years in functional-typological approaches to language study. Under this approach, the aim of syntactic reconstruction in the nominal domain lies not in determining the meaning of a given case as a whole but rather in elucidating the semantic role(s) that a specific formative could be used for and, to the extent that this is possible, how those semantic roles relate to each other in historical terms. In this article we survey the semantic roles related to *- bhi -endings in the old Indo-European languages. In the traditional reconstruction, * -bhi has been considered the suffix expressing the Instrumental plural of the athematic declension. However, in the various branches of the family in which it is attested, *- bhi- endings express a broad array of semantic roles. When charted on a diachronic semantic map of Instrument and related semantic roles, the *- bhi- endings appear to cover neighbouring areas, and it becomes clear that they have followed well-known paths of semantic change. If we add the information about *- bhi in the pronominal declension and its etymology, a neat grammaticalisation process is revealed. This results in a ‘dynamic’ reconstruction of the morphosyntax of the proto-language, which is more in accord with what we know about the actual processes of semantic change in grammatical markers and paradigmatisation of markers more generally.
{"title":"Reconstructing Semantic Roles: Proto-Indo- European *-bhi","authors":"E. Luján, Ángel López Chala","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_010","url":null,"abstract":"Traditional approaches to the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European nominal morphosyntax have operated by first reconstructing the set of morphological cases for every declensional type, and then attempting to establish the meaning of the different cases, regardless of the specific ending that was used for each declensional type. However, more insight can be gained into the reconstruction of the nominal syntax of proto-languages by applying the concepts and methodologies developed in recent years in functional-typological approaches to language study. Under this approach, the aim of syntactic reconstruction in the nominal domain lies not in determining the meaning of a given case as a whole but rather in elucidating the semantic role(s) that a specific formative could be used for and, to the extent that this is possible, how those semantic roles relate to each other in historical terms. In this article we survey the semantic roles related to *- bhi -endings in the old Indo-European languages. In the traditional reconstruction, * -bhi has been considered the suffix expressing the Instrumental plural of the athematic declension. However, in the various branches of the family in which it is attested, *- bhi- endings express a broad array of semantic roles. When charted on a diachronic semantic map of Instrument and related semantic roles, the *- bhi- endings appear to cover neighbouring areas, and it becomes clear that they have followed well-known paths of semantic change. If we add the information about *- bhi in the pronominal declension and its etymology, a neat grammaticalisation process is revealed. This results in a ‘dynamic’ reconstruction of the morphosyntax of the proto-language, which is more in accord with what we know about the actual processes of semantic change in grammatical markers and paradigmatisation of markers more generally.","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129677944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-11DOI: 10.1163/9789004392007_009
Na’ama Pat-El
The Semitic languages share the same pattern for adverbial subordination, but they do not share cognate subordinators. Following widely accepted approaches to syntactic reconstruction, such as Harris & Campbell (1995), it is possible to reconstruct a proto construction for this family, even without cognate material. However, in this article I argue that adverbial subordination cannot be reconstructed to the proto language and the shared structure is a case of parallel development which was motivated by influence from a type of relative clause. I suggest that parallel development was triggered by the presence of a shared structural feature, which created similar pressures in different nodes and allowed for identical lines of development to take place, but nevertheless yielded distinct outcomes. The development of adverbial subordinators as outlined here shows that despite structural similarities in adverbial subordination among the Semitic languages, it is unlikely that this pattern is reconstructable to the proto language.
{"title":"On Shared Structural Innovations: the Diachrony of Adverbial Subordination in Semitic","authors":"Na’ama Pat-El","doi":"10.1163/9789004392007_009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004392007_009","url":null,"abstract":"The Semitic languages share the same pattern for adverbial subordination, but they do not share cognate subordinators. Following widely accepted approaches to syntactic reconstruction, such as Harris & Campbell (1995), it is possible to reconstruct a proto construction for this family, even without cognate material. However, in this article I argue that adverbial subordination cannot be reconstructed to the proto language and the shared structure is a case of parallel development which was motivated by influence from a type of relative clause. I suggest that parallel development was triggered by the presence of a shared structural feature, which created similar pressures in different nodes and allowed for identical lines of development to take place, but nevertheless yielded distinct outcomes. The development of adverbial subordinators as outlined here shows that despite structural similarities in adverbial subordination among the Semitic languages, it is unlikely that this pattern is reconstructable to the proto language.","PeriodicalId":303494,"journal":{"name":"Reconstructing Syntax","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120964343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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