Pub Date : 2012-04-01DOI: 10.1108/03068291311305044
U. Simonis
RESOURCES MOBILIZATION THROUGH SHGs IN URBAN VILLAGES by Chittaranjan Dash, Concept Publishing Company (P) LTD, New Delhi, 2012, xxvi+186, Price Rs 550 (Hardbound) This book forms the substance of a survey research conducted in 2008 with a view to ascertain the impact of micro --finance in the context of enclave and peripheral urban villages in Delhi. The objectives of the study are: 1) to analyze the pattern of socio--economic and educational status of SHGmembers, 2) to investigate the economic profile of SHG members, 3) to evaluate the impact assessment of micro finance through credit and asset structure, 4) to measure the role of NGOs for implementation of micro finance, and 5) to augment the strategy for better implementation of micro finance. In the nineties, National Bank for Agriculture Rural Development (NABRDs) pilot scheme--micro finance --was launched to bridge the gap between the demand for and supply of funds in the lower rungs of rural economy. The Indian micro finance scene is dominated by Self-Help Group (SHGs) which were formed with the initiative of NGOs with 10-20 members and work as economic unit. The phenomenal out reach of SHG-bank linkage programme has enabled an estimated 86 million poor households to gain access to microfinance (India 2011). The data was generated through an interview schedule and participatory observations by the members of the SGHs with the help of NGO staff and local people from the enclave and peripheral villages.110 SGHs were covered, 52 from enclave villages and 58 from peripheral villages. In all 219 group members, 104 and 115 women from the enclave and peripheral villages respectively were interviewed. The data was analyzed statistically. The demographic status of the SHG members indicates that a majority of group members were in the age group 21-50 years. The average age of the sample members is 37.8 years, the average number of children per woman is 2.73 and the average household size is 4.9. Married women constitute 90 percent of the sample. There are also a few widows. There are unmarried members also in the enclave villages. Majority of the members have qualification of matriculation, at the same time, there are also some illiterates. A majority of the sample population has nucleus family, and own pacca houses. A majority of them were born outside Delhi. Some members came to Delhi through marriage while some others came along with their parents or husbands. Abut 44.29 percent of members joined the SHGs during 2007 and 2008. The motivation to Join the SHGs was provided by NGOs, neighbors, friends and relatives. Family has least role in inducing members to join SHGs. A majority of the SHGs were of the size of 20 members. Majority of members are home makers. In the enclave villages some members are services holders while in peripheral villages it is professional work, shop keeping, and dairy business. Less than half of the sample have annual income between Rs.30,000/- and Rs. 60,000/-. The avera
Chittaranjan Dash著，概念出版公司(P) LTD，新德里，2012,xxvi+186，价格550卢比(精装版)这本书构成了2008年进行的一项调查研究的实质内容，目的是确定在德里飞地和外围城中村背景下微观金融的影响。本研究的目的是:1)分析小额信贷组织成员的社会经济和教育状况模式;2)调查小额信贷组织成员的经济状况;3)通过信贷和资产结构评估小额信贷的影响评估;4)衡量非政府组织在小额信贷实施中的作用;5)增强小额信贷的实施策略。上世纪90年代，国家农业农村发展银行(National Bank for Agriculture Rural Development，简称NABRDs)启动了小额信贷试点计划，以弥合农村经济底层资金需求和供应之间的差距。印度的小额金融领域以“自助小组”(Self-Help Group, SHGs)为主导，这些小组是由10-20名成员的非政府组织发起的，以经济单位运作。SHG-bank联动项目的显著推广使大约8600万贫困家庭能够获得小额信贷(印度，2011年)。这些数据是在非政府组织工作人员和来自飞地和外围村庄的当地人民的帮助下，通过采访时间表和参与观察获得的包括52个来自飞地村庄，58个来自外围村庄。在所有219名小组成员中，分别采访了来自飞地和周边村庄的104名和115名妇女。对数据进行统计学分析。SHG成员的人口统计状况表明，大多数小组成员的年龄在21-50岁之间。样本成员的平均年龄为37.8岁，每个妇女的平均子女数为2.73个，平均家庭规模为4.9个。已婚妇女占样本的90%。也有一些寡妇。在飞地村庄里也有未婚成员。大多数成员具有大学入学资格，同时也有一些文盲。大多数样本人口有核心家庭，并拥有住房。他们中的大多数人出生在德里以外。一些成员是通过婚姻来到德里的，还有一些是随父母或丈夫一起来的。2007年至2008年期间，约44.29%的成员加入了shg。加入小组的动力来自非政府组织、邻居、朋友和亲戚。家庭在诱导成员加入shg方面的作用最小。大多数小组的成员规模为20人。大多数成员都是家庭主妇。在飞地村，一些成员从事服务业，而在外围村，成员从事专业工作、商店经营和乳品业。不到一半的样本年收入在3万至6万卢比之间。SHG成员的平均年收入为71,326卢比。外围村民的收入相对较高。平均年支出为60,798卢比。SHG成员的盈余水平达到10,528卢比。离公共设施中心较近的村庄比离中心较远的村庄更有优势。集团信用在基层发挥着重要作用，其缺失是社会关注的问题。大多数小组成员都获得了信贷，其中很多人获得了小组内部的信贷。在飞地村庄，它是为了社会目的，而在外围村庄，它是为了社会和与牛有关的活动。外围村庄的年平均收益高于飞地村庄。…
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THE TURNING POINTS OF ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY by Frank Uekoetter (ed.), Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press 2010, xi + 206 pages, ISBN 978-0-8229-6118-5 Environmental history has grown beyond its childhood days, the editor says. But the field is learning that adolescence has its problems as well. For instance, where to start when looking for turning points of environmental history? What are those turning points? How to structure them, materially, intellectually, politically? Is it that case studies or key trends should define the field? For the first generation of historians, the turning points of environmental history essentially were shifts from an ecologically benign life to a destructive, or environmentally unsustainable one. The problems with such an approach, the editor believes, were twofold: (1) there was the issue of monocausalism, and (2) a distinction had to be made between 'before' and 'after'. In the first case, the search for a single factor that put the environment on a downward slope was bound to prove elusive, and corresponding attempts often were defied by the complexity of history. In the second case, the turning point was structurally a 'point of no return', a secular watershed that made the course of history flowing in only one direction. The editor of this book wanted to be more flexible with the concept in order to be more realistic with the results. And so he put the task of definition on the shoulders of the invited authors by asking them to respond to two questions: (1) Where do you see the key turning points of environmental history in your respective field of scholarship? (2) What are the reasons of your choice? Just imagine, these questions would have been put on you, dear reader. We certainly could be sure that the outcome would differ greatly between you, me, and others, and that the structure of any book on such basis would be diverse. Starting a collective book project with no strictly defined hypothesis means running a great risk. It may lead to new and unexpected insight, or to controversial and inconsistent output. How did this project develop, and how do the results look like? First of all, the book is a mix of grand designs, sectoral approaches and strange examples. The first author, John R. McNeill rushes to the realm of global-scale history, the long history of human habitation of the biosphere. Deborah Fitzgerald then looks at agriculture and suggests that the real turning points collect around three extensive historical periods: the first revolution from mid-sixteenth to mid-nineteenth century, the second from mid-nineteenth century until World War II, and the third from World War II to the present. Regarding forestry, Bernd St. Grewe identifies major dimensions of change and continuity: the political dimension of forestry, including an increasing influence and power of the rulers and later the state, who established a severe forest administration; the economic dimension, leading from multifunct
《环境史的转折点》，弗兰克·维克特主编，宾夕法尼亚州匹兹堡。:匹兹堡大学出版社2010,xi + 206页，ISBN 978-0-8229-6118-5编辑说，环境历史已经超越了它的童年时代。但是这个领域正在认识到青少年也有自己的问题。例如，从哪里开始寻找环境历史的转折点?这些转折点是什么?如何从物质上、思想上、政治上构建它们?是案例研究还是关键趋势来定义这个领域?对于第一代历史学家来说，环境史的转折点本质上是从生态良性的生活转向破坏性的，或环境不可持续的生活。编辑认为，这种方法的问题是双重的:(1)存在单一因果关系的问题;(2)必须区分“之前”和“之后”。在第一种情况下，寻找使环境走下坡路的单一因素注定是难以捉摸的，相应的尝试往往受到历史复杂性的阻碍。在第二种情况下，转折点在结构上是一个“不回头的点”，一个使历史进程只向一个方向流动的世俗分水岭。这本书的编辑想要更灵活的概念，以便更现实的结果。因此，他把定义的任务放在受邀作者的肩上，请他们回答两个问题:(1)在你们各自的学术领域中，你们认为环境史的关键转折点在哪里?你选择的原因是什么?想象一下，亲爱的读者，这些问题会被放在你身上。我们当然可以肯定，你、我和其他人之间的结果会有很大的不同，在这种基础上，任何一本书的结构都会是多种多样的。开始一个没有严格定义的假设的集体图书项目意味着冒着很大的风险。它可能会带来新的和意想不到的见解，或者产生有争议的和不一致的输出。这个项目是如何发展的，结果如何?首先，这本书混合了宏伟的设计、部门性的方法和奇怪的例子。第一作者约翰·r·麦克尼尔(John R. McNeill)进入了全球范围的历史领域，即人类在生物圈居住的悠久历史。黛博拉·菲茨杰拉德接着研究了农业，并指出真正的转折点集中在三个广泛的历史时期:第一次革命从16世纪中期到19世纪中期，第二次革命从19世纪中期到第二次世界大战，第三次革命从第二次世界大战到现在。关于林业，Bernd St. Grewe确定了变化和连续性的主要方面:林业的政治方面，包括统治者和后来的国家日益增加的影响力和权力，他们建立了一个严格的森林管理机构;经济方面，从林地的多功能利用到国有企业利用，从普通用途到商品商品化;社会层面，以人口增长、社会排斥、移民和“专家统治”的建立为特征;林业的生态维度，以人类与自然的互动为标志。托马斯·勒坎接着谈到了老鼠、鲨鱼和民族国家:虽然智人，就像老鼠和鲨鱼一样，在很长一段时间里都是适应和适应现有环境的大师，但现代欧洲、北美和后来发展中的民族国家形成了他们特定的经济生产模式和文化价值观，努力使自然和社会都变得清晰、合理和开放。…
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Pub Date : 2010-06-08DOI: 10.1108/03068291011055487
U. Simonis
CAUGHT IN A TRAP. IDENTIFYING THE LEAST DEVELOPED COUNTRIES by Patrick Guillaumont, Paris: Economica, 2010, xiv + 386 pp., $ 54,95, ISBN-13: 978-2717857993 In the course of reading this book, Haiti was hit by a heavy earthquake. Instantly one looks for answers to such vulnerability. Could this book perhaps help to explain why so many people had to die when the Earth had trembled? First of all, Haiti is on the list of least developed countries, and ranks poorly on all the indicators used to define that list: it has a low average income, a low value for the human assets and a high value for the economic vulnerability index. In the comprehensive ranking, however, Haiti is not at all the worst case. But one aspect is striking: while most of the other least developed countries became politically independent only in the 1960s and 1970s, Haiti has been independent since 1804! Still, the country seems not to be in a position to handle major challenges --it is definitely caught in a poverty trap. Patrick Guillaumont starts his book with the basic question--"what are the least developed countries"--and gives the final answer right away. Today, 49 countries make up the category of least developed countries (LDCs), according to specific criteria and procedures, and as confirmed by a resolution of the UN General Assembly. Countries in that category are low-income countries that suffer from severe structural handicaps to growth, particularly low human resources and high economic vulnerability. In the years since the LDC category was established, the number of countries on the list has doubled, now representing about 40 percent of the developing countries, with more than 750 million people or 11.8 percent of world population. By contrast, their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is just 0.7 percent of world GDP and 3.2 percent of the GDP of all developing countries on an exchange rate basis (UNDP 2007). Compared on the basis of purchasing power parity, the differences are a little smaller, with the LDCs share at about 1.8 percent of world GDP and 4.0 percent of the developing country GDP. Most LDCs are small or medium-sized in population, are located in Africa, are land-locked, insular or arid. Haiti is the only Latin American country among the LDCs. In the literature and in international relations, other (unofficial) structural categories of developing countries are being used. While the LDCs are an official category of the United Nations, "low-income countries" is a classification established empirically each year by the World Bank, making a group of 60 or more. Another category used, this one geographical, is that of the "small island developing countries", which has about 50 members, 36 of them independent states. A final structural category is that of the "land-locked developing countries", 28 in number. Furthermore, there are three political categories of developing countries that partly overlap with the LDC category: the "African, Caribbean and Pacific countri
落入陷阱。《辨识最不发达国家》，Patrick Guillaumont著，巴黎:Economica, 2010, xiv + 386页，54,95美元，ISBN-13: 978-2717857993在阅读这本书的过程中，海地遭受了强烈的地震。人们立即寻找这种脆弱性的答案。这本书能不能解释为什么地球在颤抖的时候会有那么多人死去?首先，海地在最不发达国家的名单上，而且在用来定义该名单的所有指标上排名都很差:它的平均收入低，人力资产值低，经济脆弱性指数值高。然而，在综合排名中，海地并不是最差的。但有一个方面是惊人的:当大多数其他最不发达国家在20世纪60年代和70年代才在政治上独立时，海地自1804年以来就已经独立了!尽管如此，这个国家似乎还没有能力应对重大挑战——它肯定陷入了贫困陷阱。帕特里克·吉约蒙特(Patrick Guillaumont)在他的书中以一个基本问题开始——“什么是最不发达国家”——并立即给出了最终答案。今天，根据联合国大会决议确定的具体标准和程序，49个国家构成了最不发达国家。这一类国家是低收入国家，它们的增长面临严重的结构性障碍，特别是人力资源不足和经济脆弱性高。自设立最不发达国家类别以来，上榜国家数量翻了一番，目前约占发展中国家总数的40%，人口超过7.5亿，占世界人口的11.8%。相比之下，按汇率计算，它们的国内生产总值(GDP)仅占世界GDP的0.7%，占所有发展中国家GDP的3.2% (UNDP 2007)。与购买力平价相比，差距略小，最不发达国家占世界GDP的比重约为1.8%，占发展中国家GDP的4.0%。大多数最不发达国家人口规模较小或中等、位于非洲、内陆、岛屿或干旱地区。海地是最不发达国家中唯一的拉丁美洲国家。在文献和国际关系中，正在使用发展中国家的其他(非官方)结构类别。虽然最不发达国家是联合国的一个官方类别，但“低收入国家”是世界银行每年根据经验建立的一个分类，使60个或更多的国家成为一组。使用的另一个类别是地理上的“小岛屿发展中国家”，该类别有大约50个成员，其中36个是独立国家。最后一个结构类别是“内陆发展中国家”，共有28个。此外，发展中国家有三种政治类别与最不发达国家类别部分重叠:“非洲、加勒比和太平洋国家”;“重债穷国”;还有“压力下的低收入国家”，现在被纳入了更广泛的“脆弱国家”群体。2005年，根据经合组织的方法，46个国家被列为脆弱国家，根据世界银行的方法，35个国家被列为脆弱国家。最不发达国家和脆弱国家类别之间的联系似乎至关重要，因为最不发达国家类别基本上指的是结构特征，而脆弱国家类别指的是更有可能随着时间而改变的政策和治理指标。总而言之，最不发达国家是一个结构性类别，其设计不是为了反映目前的政策及其评估。因此，它是相当稳定的，尽管不是永久的。各国可能根据其结构特征的趋势加入或退出该名单;这些特征只是逐渐受到政策的影响，但它们影响着政策。联合国早在1971年就正式承认最不发达国家是一类特殊的发展中国家。…
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