Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0005
Lauren C. Santangelo
This chapter evaluates the metropolitan strategies activists developed in the early 1910s. Leaders like Carrie Chapman Catt and Harriot Stanton Blatch and organizations like the Woman Suffrage Party and the Women’s Political Union created a foothold for the campaign by opening headquarters in Murray Hill, a retail area in Midtown Manhattan. The suffrage district created there quite literally put the women’s rights crusade on the map, improving its visibility and professional status. At the same time, activists reached beyond this one district. A few aggressively moved into other parts of the city, claiming areas once deemed unsafe for middle-class women. Some tried to recruit nurses and actors to further publicize their message. Organizers capitalized on New York’s budding film industry to spread images of this diverse coalition across the nation. Celluloid views of the cityscape, parade footage, and scenes from headquarters helped to crystallize the image of suffrage as a distinctly urban affair, enabling women across the nation to vicariously participate.
本章评估了活跃分子在20世纪10年代早期发展起来的都市战略。卡莉·查普曼·卡特(Carrie Chapman Catt)和哈里奥特·斯坦顿·布拉奇(Harriot Stanton Blatch)等领导人，以及妇女选举权党(Women Suffrage Party)和妇女政治联盟(Women’s Political Union)等组织，通过在曼哈顿中城的零售区默里山(Murray Hill)设立总部，为竞选活动建立了一个立足点。在那里建立的选举权区确实使妇女权利运动在地图上崭露头角，提高了其知名度和专业地位。与此同时，活动人士的活动范围超出了这个地区。一些人积极地搬到了城市的其他地方，声称那些曾经被认为对中产阶级女性不安全的地方。一些人试图招募护士和演员来进一步宣传他们的信息。组织者利用纽约新兴的电影产业，在全国范围内传播这个多元化联盟的形象。赛璐珞拍摄的城市景观、游行镜头和总部的场景，帮助明确了选举权作为一项明显的城市事务的形象，使全国各地的妇女都能间接参与。
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Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0002
Lauren C. Santangelo
This chapter explores suffrage strategies from 1870 to 1894—from the Manhattan movement’s foundation to the New York State Constitutional Convention campaign. For suffrage leaders like Lillie Devereux Blake and those in the New York City Woman Suffrage League, the city remained a frustrating, if not dangerous, place. These beliefs informed movement tactics in the 1870s and 1880s, as organizers clung to the safety of supporters’ homes or rented commercial halls for meetings. The opportunity presented by the New York State Constitutional Convention in 1894 interrupted this routine and energized the campaign in unprecedented ways. Optimistic activists hoped they could convince delegates to support an amendment to the state constitution, and etiquette-obsessed socialites opened up a suffrage headquarters at the renowned Sherry’s restaurant. Not to be outdone, affluent opponents challenged their suffrage-seeking sisters. While unsuccessful in amending the constitution, the events of 1894 proved to mainstream activists that under the right circumstances wealthy New Yorkers could become outspoken suffrage advocates.
本章探讨了1870年至1894年的选举权策略——从曼哈顿运动的建立到纽约州制宪会议的竞选活动。对于像莉莉·德弗罗·布莱克(Lillie Devereux Blake)和纽约市妇女选举权联盟(New York City women suffrage League)这样的选举权领袖来说，这座城市即使不危险，也是令人沮丧的。这些信念影响了19世纪70年代和80年代的运动策略，组织者紧紧抓住支持者家中的安全，或租用商业大厅举行会议。1894年纽约州制宪会议提供的机会打破了这一常规，并以前所未有的方式激发了竞选活动。乐观的活动人士希望他们能说服代表们支持州宪法修正案，注重礼仪的社会名流在著名的雪莉餐厅(Sherry’s restaurant)开设了一个选举权总部。富裕的对手也不甘示弱，向寻求选举权的姐妹们发起了挑战。1894年的事件虽然未能成功修改宪法，但向主流活动人士证明，在适当的情况下，富有的纽约人可以成为直言不讳的选举权倡导者。
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Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0003
Lauren C. Santangelo
Rather than grinding to a standstill following defeat at the 1894 New York State Constitutional Convention, city work continued and new organizations emerged. Lillie Devereux Blake and her peers more regularly decided to hold suffrage events in elegant spaces like the Waldorf-Astoria at century’s turn, capitalizing on the city’s haute geography to enhance the movement’s respectability. At the same time, they divided over how to respond to the good government initiatives reconfiguring the metropolitan government. Whether supporting them or remaining ambivalent, many inserted discussion of women’s rights into conversations about improving the municipality. A personal feud between Susan B. Anthony and Lillie Devereux Blake in the succeeding years produced a power vacuum in Gotham at century’s close. The resultant vacuum ensured that Gotham’s campaign would not be bogged down by outsiders’ mandates.
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Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0007
Lauren C. Santangelo
This chapter examines the second referendum campaign in 1917, as collaboration with public officials replaced confrontation. Less than a month after New York men rejected political equality in 1915, the Empire State Campaign Committee hosted a “Reorganization Convention,” one outcome of which was the birth of the New York State Woman Suffrage Party. For years activists had aggressively claimed a “right to the city.” Now, those in the Woman Suffrage Party used that right to help the city during a devastating polio outbreak and World War I: distributing medical information to tenement dwellers, tracking sanitary code violations, and facilitating the wartime military census. The change in strategy was stunningly effective. New York women finally won the ballot, with Gotham carrying the state amendment.
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Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0004
Lauren C. Santangelo
A new generation far more attuned to Gotham’s resources took over the campaign’s management beginning in 1907, reconfiguring the relationship between suffrage and the cityscape. This chapter focuses on three leaders of the reconfigured movement—Maud Malone, Harriot Stanton Blatch, and Carrie Chapman Catt—and their efforts to recruit teachers by championing pay parity, and to rekindle elite women’s interest in the campaign. National leaders also increasingly recognized that Manhattan could enhance their organization’s prestige, profile, and treasury. In 1909, they unveiled lavish new headquarters on Fifth Avenue, convinced that the city’s dense newspaper industry could broadcast their message to the rest of the nation.
{"title":"Ushering in a “New Era,” 1907–1909","authors":"Lauren C. Santangelo","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"A new generation far more attuned to Gotham’s resources took over the campaign’s management beginning in 1907, reconfiguring the relationship between suffrage and the cityscape. This chapter focuses on three leaders of the reconfigured movement—Maud Malone, Harriot Stanton Blatch, and Carrie Chapman Catt—and their efforts to recruit teachers by championing pay parity, and to rekindle elite women’s interest in the campaign. National leaders also increasingly recognized that Manhattan could enhance their organization’s prestige, profile, and treasury. In 1909, they unveiled lavish new headquarters on Fifth Avenue, convinced that the city’s dense newspaper industry could broadcast their message to the rest of the nation.","PeriodicalId":309179,"journal":{"name":"Suffrage and the City","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131824864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0006
Lauren C. Santangelo
The 1915 state referendum required leaders like Carrie Chapman Catt and Harriot Stanton Blatch to move beyond recruiting female allies and instead convince legislators and men with the ballot to support women’s rights. This chapter describes how activists quickly rallied their urban army to do so: public health nurses courted immigrant support, actresses used their celebrity to draw attention, socialites poured money into the treasury, and teachers forfeited their summer vacations for organizational work. City organizations, including the Woman Suffrage Party, pooled resources to form the Empire State Campaign Committee. Everyone recognized that winning the state’s forty-five Electoral College votes would be a pivotal step toward achieving a national amendment. However, obstacles remained. Organizers chafed at police restrictions, faced resistance at sporting events, and needed to relocate headquarters in an ever-changing rental marketplace. Ultimately, more than three hundred thousand men voted against women’s right to the franchise at the 1915 referendum, ensuring that polling places would remain distinctly male terrain in an increasingly heterosocial city.
{"title":"“Suffrage ‘Owns’ City,” 1913–1915","authors":"Lauren C. Santangelo","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780190850364.003.0006","url":null,"abstract":"The 1915 state referendum required leaders like Carrie Chapman Catt and Harriot Stanton Blatch to move beyond recruiting female allies and instead convince legislators and men with the ballot to support women’s rights. This chapter describes how activists quickly rallied their urban army to do so: public health nurses courted immigrant support, actresses used their celebrity to draw attention, socialites poured money into the treasury, and teachers forfeited their summer vacations for organizational work. City organizations, including the Woman Suffrage Party, pooled resources to form the Empire State Campaign Committee. Everyone recognized that winning the state’s forty-five Electoral College votes would be a pivotal step toward achieving a national amendment. However, obstacles remained. Organizers chafed at police restrictions, faced resistance at sporting events, and needed to relocate headquarters in an ever-changing rental marketplace. Ultimately, more than three hundred thousand men voted against women’s right to the franchise at the 1915 referendum, ensuring that polling places would remain distinctly male terrain in an increasingly heterosocial city.","PeriodicalId":309179,"journal":{"name":"Suffrage and the City","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131382394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-18DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190850364.003.0008
Lauren C. Santangelo
In 1913, bystanders attacked suffragists during a parade in Washington, DC. Clearly, tactics developed in Manhattan inspired campaigns elsewhere, but the reception to these strategies differed. This epilogue summarizes the ways in which leaders in New York City claimed a “right to the city” in order to win the vote in New York State and how organizations across the nation appropriated their strategies—sometimes successfully, sometimes unsuccessfully. Victory in New York was as much a political victory as a cultural one, as suffragists reimagined women’s place in the nation’s largest metropolis. At the same time, they failed to completely dismantle gendered notions of propriety or combat gendered violence, reminding that revolutions have limits and claiming a “right to the city” is very different from achieving that right.
{"title":"Epilogue","authors":"Lauren C. Santangelo","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190850364.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190850364.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"In 1913, bystanders attacked suffragists during a parade in Washington, DC. Clearly, tactics developed in Manhattan inspired campaigns elsewhere, but the reception to these strategies differed. This epilogue summarizes the ways in which leaders in New York City claimed a “right to the city” in order to win the vote in New York State and how organizations across the nation appropriated their strategies—sometimes successfully, sometimes unsuccessfully. Victory in New York was as much a political victory as a cultural one, as suffragists reimagined women’s place in the nation’s largest metropolis. At the same time, they failed to completely dismantle gendered notions of propriety or combat gendered violence, reminding that revolutions have limits and claiming a “right to the city” is very different from achieving that right.","PeriodicalId":309179,"journal":{"name":"Suffrage and the City","volume":"171 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116628243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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