Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0002
John R. Hibbing
This chapter reviews and critiques the conventional wisdom that fervent Trump supporters are distinguished by their demographic, personality, and emotional profiles. The standard narrative, drawn in part from 2016 exit polls, asserts that Trump supporters are old, male, white, uneducated, poor, rural, religious, neurotic, bitter, angry, resentful, adrift, and fearful, but this chapter suggests that although several of the demographic claims have some truth, many Trump supporters are in fact female, college educated, suburban, and well to do. With regard to personality and emotions, Trump supporters are not as neurotic as liberals and actually rank lower than those with other political orientations on most negative emotions, including bitterness, anger, resentment, and fear. Compared to those who do not like Trump, many fervid Trump supporters appear to be less threatened by most aspects of life with the possible exception of outsiders.
{"title":"Scared, Resentful, Destitute Hillbillies?","authors":"John R. Hibbing","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0002","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter reviews and critiques the conventional wisdom that fervent Trump supporters are distinguished by their demographic, personality, and emotional profiles. The standard narrative, drawn in part from 2016 exit polls, asserts that Trump supporters are old, male, white, uneducated, poor, rural, religious, neurotic, bitter, angry, resentful, adrift, and fearful, but this chapter suggests that although several of the demographic claims have some truth, many Trump supporters are in fact female, college educated, suburban, and well to do. With regard to personality and emotions, Trump supporters are not as neurotic as liberals and actually rank lower than those with other political orientations on most negative emotions, including bitterness, anger, resentment, and fear. Compared to those who do not like Trump, many fervid Trump supporters appear to be less threatened by most aspects of life with the possible exception of outsiders.","PeriodicalId":314641,"journal":{"name":"The Securitarian Personality","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130257341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0004
John R. Hibbing
This chapter provides a detailed description of the concept of securitarianism. Research on non-human animals including the Russian silver fox and American oldfield mouse as well as human research using eyetrackers suggests that protective threat responses are often based on something other than fear. Many securitarians do not trust others to take care of them and are attracted to isolationism and survivalist strategies not because they are fearful but because they believe being vigilant and working to provide security are ennobling duties. Thus, securitarians, including many intense Trump supporters, can advocate gun rights, tough crime laws, defense spending, and border walls even though they are not particularly neurotic and scared. Securitarians are not eager to fight and they are not eager to submit but they are eager to be vigilant and prepared. This chapter concludes by comparing securitarianism to other concepts such as libertarianism and communitarianism.
{"title":"The Phorgotten Phenotype","authors":"John R. Hibbing","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter provides a detailed description of the concept of securitarianism. Research on non-human animals including the Russian silver fox and American oldfield mouse as well as human research using eyetrackers suggests that protective threat responses are often based on something other than fear. Many securitarians do not trust others to take care of them and are attracted to isolationism and survivalist strategies not because they are fearful but because they believe being vigilant and working to provide security are ennobling duties. Thus, securitarians, including many intense Trump supporters, can advocate gun rights, tough crime laws, defense spending, and border walls even though they are not particularly neurotic and scared. Securitarians are not eager to fight and they are not eager to submit but they are eager to be vigilant and prepared. This chapter concludes by comparing securitarianism to other concepts such as libertarianism and communitarianism.","PeriodicalId":314641,"journal":{"name":"The Securitarian Personality","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130151780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0008
John R. Hibbing
In this chapter, consideration is given to American politics in the post-Trump era. In light of the importance of securitarian orientations to Trump’s political rise, the chapter looks at the distribution of securitarians across the life cycle and across racial groups. Generational replacement is likely to lower the number of securitarians but the relatively large number of black securitarians could increase it. Other wings of the Republican Party tend to share securitarians’ general policy preferences, and this fact could keep the Republican coalition together, though strains will result from some people’s intense attachment to Trump himself. The biggest challenges facing the country will revolve around democratic values and political civility, both of which have been set back significantly. The struggle between securitarians and unitarians is the most fundamental of conflicts and needs to be understood if democracy is to be preserved in the post-Trump era.
{"title":"Politics and Life after Trump","authors":"John R. Hibbing","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"In this chapter, consideration is given to American politics in the post-Trump era. In light of the importance of securitarian orientations to Trump’s political rise, the chapter looks at the distribution of securitarians across the life cycle and across racial groups. Generational replacement is likely to lower the number of securitarians but the relatively large number of black securitarians could increase it. Other wings of the Republican Party tend to share securitarians’ general policy preferences, and this fact could keep the Republican coalition together, though strains will result from some people’s intense attachment to Trump himself. The biggest challenges facing the country will revolve around democratic values and political civility, both of which have been set back significantly. The struggle between securitarians and unitarians is the most fundamental of conflicts and needs to be understood if democracy is to be preserved in the post-Trump era.","PeriodicalId":314641,"journal":{"name":"The Securitarian Personality","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125381945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0007
John R. Hibbing
This chapter analyzes the four major types of vigorous Trump supporters. The great majority (60%) are securitarians but many support Trump for other reasons. Some can be called “social warriors” because issues such as abortion and gay marriage are the most important to them. Some can be called tea partiers because they prioritize tax cuts, deregulation, and small government. Some are economically concerned and worry about health care, income inequality, and trade. The findings indicate that compared to other Trump venerators, social warriors are more submissive, more dogmatic, and less concerned about personal and national strength. Tea partiers are more likely to engage in risky behaviors and to be willing to take aggressive political acts. The economically concerned are more likely to be bitter, angry, resentful, and unfulfilled. And securitarians are more likely to have high incomes, high political knowledge and interest, and to score low on submissiveness.
{"title":"The Many Faces of Trump Veneration","authors":"John R. Hibbing","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0007","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter analyzes the four major types of vigorous Trump supporters. The great majority (60%) are securitarians but many support Trump for other reasons. Some can be called “social warriors” because issues such as abortion and gay marriage are the most important to them. Some can be called tea partiers because they prioritize tax cuts, deregulation, and small government. Some are economically concerned and worry about health care, income inequality, and trade. The findings indicate that compared to other Trump venerators, social warriors are more submissive, more dogmatic, and less concerned about personal and national strength. Tea partiers are more likely to engage in risky behaviors and to be willing to take aggressive political acts. The economically concerned are more likely to be bitter, angry, resentful, and unfulfilled. And securitarians are more likely to have high incomes, high political knowledge and interest, and to score low on submissiveness.","PeriodicalId":314641,"journal":{"name":"The Securitarian Personality","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129657376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0006
John R. Hibbing
In this chapter, the securitarian hypothesis is tested against the standard authoritarian hypothesis. At the personality level, the results show that Trump venerators actually are less likely to have the key authoritarian personality trait of submissiveness and are no more likely to value conventionalism and aggression. They are, however, more likely to display securitarian personality traits (e.g., to believe that “being prepared” is the best life motto). Parallel patterns appear on the issues believed to be “most important” where Trump venerators are more likely than non-Trump-venerating conservatives to mention a security issue such as gun rights, immigration reduction, or defense spending. Finally, at the societal level, Trump venerators are not more likely than non-Trump-venerating conservatives to value authoritarian leaders and conventionalism but they are significantly more likely to say that the worst thing possible for a country is to be perceived as weak.
{"title":"Better Secure than Submissive","authors":"John R. Hibbing","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0006","url":null,"abstract":"In this chapter, the securitarian hypothesis is tested against the standard authoritarian hypothesis. At the personality level, the results show that Trump venerators actually are less likely to have the key authoritarian personality trait of submissiveness and are no more likely to value conventionalism and aggression. They are, however, more likely to display securitarian personality traits (e.g., to believe that “being prepared” is the best life motto). Parallel patterns appear on the issues believed to be “most important” where Trump venerators are more likely than non-Trump-venerating conservatives to mention a security issue such as gun rights, immigration reduction, or defense spending. Finally, at the societal level, Trump venerators are not more likely than non-Trump-venerating conservatives to value authoritarian leaders and conventionalism but they are significantly more likely to say that the worst thing possible for a country is to be perceived as weak.","PeriodicalId":314641,"journal":{"name":"The Securitarian Personality","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126246625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0003
John R. Hibbing
This chapter reviews and critiques one of the most frequently invoked descriptions of intense Trump supporters—that they have authoritarian personalities. This phrase is taken from the title of a landmark book published in 1950 by Theodor Adorno and colleagues, a work that is described in some detail in this chapter. Subsequent efforts to measure similar concepts have focused on right-wing authoritarianism and preferences for child-rearing. These scholarly efforts attempt to explain anti-Semitism, ethnocentrism, and prejudice based on authoritarian attitudes that include submissiveness, conventionalism, and aggression. The argument made in this chapter is that the application of these concepts to Trump’s base does not capture the real difference between those who are and those who are not avid Trump supporters because the actual central distinction has more to do with attitudes toward security than authority and because they mix personality traits with worldview.
{"title":"Authoritarians Who Dislike Authority?","authors":"John R. Hibbing","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter reviews and critiques one of the most frequently invoked descriptions of intense Trump supporters—that they have authoritarian personalities. This phrase is taken from the title of a landmark book published in 1950 by Theodor Adorno and colleagues, a work that is described in some detail in this chapter. Subsequent efforts to measure similar concepts have focused on right-wing authoritarianism and preferences for child-rearing. These scholarly efforts attempt to explain anti-Semitism, ethnocentrism, and prejudice based on authoritarian attitudes that include submissiveness, conventionalism, and aggression. The argument made in this chapter is that the application of these concepts to Trump’s base does not capture the real difference between those who are and those who are not avid Trump supporters because the actual central distinction has more to do with attitudes toward security than authority and because they mix personality traits with worldview.","PeriodicalId":314641,"journal":{"name":"The Securitarian Personality","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133480826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0005
John R. Hibbing
In this chapter, data from the 2019 survey of American adults are used to test for the accuracy of previous explanations for avid Trump supporters, especially the demographic, personality, and emotional concepts discussed in Chapter 2. The findings show that, compared to those with other political ideologies such as liberals, moderates, and non-Trump-venerating conservatives, Trump venerators are older, less educated, less neurotic, less introverted, less bitter, less resentful, and less angry. Special attention is given to the differences between Trump venerators and conservatives who do not venerate Trump because this comparison should help to identify what is unique about Trump venerators. For example, on the vital matters of racial and sex attitudes, Trump venerators are found to be less favorable than non-Trump-venerating conservatives toward blacks but not significantly less favorable when it comes to attitudes toward women.
{"title":"The Trump Venerator Next Door","authors":"John R. Hibbing","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0005","url":null,"abstract":"In this chapter, data from the 2019 survey of American adults are used to test for the accuracy of previous explanations for avid Trump supporters, especially the demographic, personality, and emotional concepts discussed in Chapter 2. The findings show that, compared to those with other political ideologies such as liberals, moderates, and non-Trump-venerating conservatives, Trump venerators are older, less educated, less neurotic, less introverted, less bitter, less resentful, and less angry. Special attention is given to the differences between Trump venerators and conservatives who do not venerate Trump because this comparison should help to identify what is unique about Trump venerators. For example, on the vital matters of racial and sex attitudes, Trump venerators are found to be less favorable than non-Trump-venerating conservatives toward blacks but not significantly less favorable when it comes to attitudes toward women.","PeriodicalId":314641,"journal":{"name":"The Securitarian Personality","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128996303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0001
John R. Hibbing
This chapter describes the organization and methodology of the book. It also introduces its central theme. Ardent Trump supporters are “securitarians,” meaning they want protection from lawbreakers, security in the face of immigrants, and defense against the power of foreign countries whereas those who view outsiders not as a source of threat but rather as people who require and deserve assistance are referred to as “unitarians.” The chapter points out that the group analyzed is not the 63 million people who voted for Trump in 2016 but rather a smaller group composed only of his most intense supporters. It explains that the central evidence in the book comes from a 2019 survey of a large representative sample of American adults and that evolutionary logic makes it possible to understand the centrality of the divide between securitarians and unitarians and the reason this divide makes politics so polarized and explosive.
{"title":"Barefoot over Burning Coals","authors":"John R. Hibbing","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0001","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter describes the organization and methodology of the book. It also introduces its central theme. Ardent Trump supporters are “securitarians,” meaning they want protection from lawbreakers, security in the face of immigrants, and defense against the power of foreign countries whereas those who view outsiders not as a source of threat but rather as people who require and deserve assistance are referred to as “unitarians.” The chapter points out that the group analyzed is not the 63 million people who voted for Trump in 2016 but rather a smaller group composed only of his most intense supporters. It explains that the central evidence in the book comes from a 2019 survey of a large representative sample of American adults and that evolutionary logic makes it possible to understand the centrality of the divide between securitarians and unitarians and the reason this divide makes politics so polarized and explosive.","PeriodicalId":314641,"journal":{"name":"The Securitarian Personality","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125121193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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