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Rethinking Market Regulation最新文献

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Postscript 附言
Pub Date : 2021-06-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197578957.003.0010
John N. Drobak
Chapter 10 shows the commonality between other economic propositions and the two economic beliefs that are at the heart of this book, that U.S. markets are competitive and that the primary responsibility of corporations is to make money for its shareholders. Many people believe statements just because economists make them. Some people take these statements to be absolute truths, even though they are only opinions drawn from economic narratives disputed by many economists. Yet, despite this rejection, policymakers, members of the media, and laypeople still believe that they are true. John Quiggin and other economists refer to these views as “zombie economics” because they “still walk among us.” The chapter considers three of these: trickle-down tax policy, austerity, and privatization. No serious economist supports trickle-down tax policy, while the benefits of the other two propositions are disputed by a good number of economists. One of the lessons of this book is the need to question economic propositions put forth by policymakers as the absolute truth.
第10章展示了其他经济命题与本书核心的两种经济信念之间的共性,即美国市场是竞争性的,公司的主要责任是为股东赚钱。许多人相信经济学家发表的言论。有些人认为这些说法是绝对真理,尽管它们只是从许多经济学家争议的经济叙述中得出的观点。然而,尽管遭到否定,政策制定者、媒体成员和非专业人士仍然相信它们是真实的。约翰·奎金(John Quiggin)和其他经济学家将这些观点称为“僵尸经济学”,因为它们“仍然活在我们中间”。这一章考虑了其中的三个:涓滴税收政策、紧缩和私有化。没有一个严肃的经济学家支持涓滴式税收政策,而其他两个主张的好处也受到了很多经济学家的质疑。本书的一个教训是,有必要对政策制定者提出的经济主张提出质疑,认为它们是绝对真理。
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引用次数: 0
Corporate Stakeholders 企业利益相关者
Pub Date : 2021-06-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197578957.003.0005
John N. Drobak
Chapter 5 echoes the growing sentiment that corporations need to take into account other interests besides that of their shareholders. It traces the origins of the idea that corporations exist solely to increase the wealth of their shareholders and explains how this belief in shareholder primacy came to be accepted as a truism by many scholars, judges, and commentators. When Milton Friedman originally popularized this idea in 1962, he wrote that corporations should serve shareholder interest “within the rules of the game.” These days the rules of the game are influenced tremendously by business lobbying. The chapter explains how the political influence of labor waned and was replaced by business influence in the 1970s. Since that time, Congress has done very little to protect labor because business interests have become extremely powerful lobbyists and substantial donors to political campaigns.
第五章呼应了越来越多的观点,即企业需要考虑股东以外的其他利益。它追溯了公司存在的唯一目的是为股东增加财富这一观点的起源,并解释了股东至上的信念是如何被许多学者、法官和评论员视为真理而接受的。1962年,当米尔顿·弗里德曼(Milton Friedman)最初推广这一观点时,他写道,公司应该“在游戏规则范围内”服务于股东利益。如今,商业游说极大地影响了游戏规则。这一章解释了劳工的政治影响力在20世纪70年代是如何减弱并被商业影响力所取代的。从那时起,国会在保护劳工方面做得很少,因为商业利益集团已经成为极其强大的说客和政治竞选的大量捐助者。
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引用次数: 0
Recommendations 建议
Pub Date : 2021-06-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197578957.003.0009
John N. Drobak
Chapter 9 lays out proposals for change. They range from simple and uncontroversial ones, like requiring the government to collect reliable statistics about the number of jobs lost through mergers and outsourcing, to controversial proposals, like adding labor representation to the corporate boards of directors. Although some antitrust scholars have recently proposed changing merger review to include consideration of the effects on labor, the chapter argues that changing the current process is not feasible. Instead, the chapter proposes the creation of a new government panel to review proposed mergers and outsourcing. The board would assess the expected displacement of labor in comparison with a realistic appraisal of the expected gains to consumers. The chapter argues that the proposed reforms cannot be achieved until the influence of business on Congress is limited. The chapter also deals with political effects, by pointing out that the harm to workers has aggregated over the years, culminating in popular support for both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders in the 2016 presidential election. There is a dark side to this growing populist movement, however, because disgruntled labor has played a role in nationalistic and fascistic movements during the twentieth century.
第9章提出了改革建议。这些建议既有简单而无争议的,比如要求政府收集有关因合并和外包而失去的工作岗位数量的可靠统计数据,也有有争议的提议,比如在公司董事会中增加劳工代表。尽管一些反垄断学者最近提议改变合并审查,以考虑对劳工的影响,但本章认为改变目前的过程是不可行的。相反,该章节建议成立一个新的政府小组来审查拟议的合并和外包。委员会将根据对消费者预期收益的现实评估来评估预期的劳动力转移。本章认为,除非企业对国会的影响受到限制,否则拟议中的改革不可能实现。这一章还谈到了政治影响,指出对工人的伤害多年来不断累积,最终导致唐纳德·特朗普和伯尼·桑德斯在2016年总统大选中双双获得民众支持。然而,这种日益增长的民粹主义运动也有黑暗的一面,因为不满的劳工在20世纪的民族主义和法西斯运动中发挥了作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Rethinking Market Regulation
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