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Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies in Northern Europe最新文献

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Representations of the refugee crisis in Denmark 关于丹麦难民危机的陈述
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00011
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引用次数: 0
Minimum rights policies targeting people seeking protection in Denmark and Sweden 丹麦和瑞典针对寻求保护的人的最低权利政策
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00012
A. Lindberg
The temporary law changed the general view of Sweden in Europe. We used to be the generous country, and that affected us as a public agency, because this generous image has also characterized our approach. If you look around here in our office, the rooms are named after Malala, Raoul Wallenberg … all human rights advocates. We have the human rights convention framed on our walls … but now, we are supposed to adapt to an absolute minimum approach. We’re now at the edge of the European Convention. It’s a clear political signal, but we have to figure out what it means to us, this new focus on minimum levels and on return. (Richard, senior official at Swedish Migration Agency) own meals still entails. And, the asylum camps look more like detention camps now. This sends a signal that they are not welcome.
这项临时法律改变了瑞典在欧洲的普遍看法。我们曾经是一个慷慨的国家,这影响了我们作为一个公共机构,因为这种慷慨的形象也标志着我们的做法。如果你看看我们的办公室,房间都是以马拉拉、拉乌尔·瓦伦堡等人权倡导者的名字命名的。我们的墙上挂着人权公约,但现在,我们应该适应绝对最低限度的方法。我们现在正处于欧洲公约的边缘。这是一个明确的政治信号,但我们必须弄清楚这对我们意味着什么,这种对最低水平和回报的新关注。(理查德,瑞典移民局高级官员)自己吃饭仍然是必要的。而且,难民营现在看起来更像拘留营。这发出了一个信号,表明他们不受欢迎。
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引用次数: 3
List of figures 数字清单
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00003
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引用次数: 0
Lesson for the future or threat to sovereignty? 这是对未来的教训还是对主权的威胁?
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00010
Admir Skodo
Following the entry of 162,877 asylum seekers in 2015, Sweden introduced border controls in November of that year. These were followed by new laws in 2015–2016 that curtailed the possibility of being granted permanent residence, family reunification, and the social rights of asylum seekers. Such measures were necessary, according to the Swedish government, because the large number of entries triggered a refugee crisis. These were far-reaching changes in a country that has long prided itself on welcoming asylum seekers. But, far from threatening Swedish state sovereignty, as the Swedish national government and mainstream media claimed, I show that this perceived crisis has both justified, asserted, and extended it by recourse to national and international law on the one hand, and an associative chain link between asylum seekers, illegal immigration, terrorism, and crisis, on the other. At the same time, I reveal how the perceived crisis has exposed rifts between different levels of Swedish governance, where the municipalities, in particular, have opposed the national government’s portrayal of 2015 as a fundamental threat to Swedish sovereignty and domestic governance. Indeed, the municipalities sought to portray 2015 as a difficult but valuable lesson for scaling up services and capabilities to help people fleeing persecution. In this chapter, I problematize this dynamic primarily by analysing an official government report (Statens Offentliga Utredningar) on the refugee crisis. My analysis additionally rests on news articles and interviews I conducted in 2017 with a Swedish Migration Agency Executive Officer and a local civil servant in the southeast of Sweden. The report, published in 2017, is entitled ‘Att ta emot människor på flykt: Sverige hösten 2015’ (‘Receiving Refugees: Sweden during the Fall of 2015’ – hereafter ‘Receiving Refugees’), and is the final product of a Swedish government commission formed in 2016. The government directed the commission to describe the sequence of events that comprise the refugee crisis on the one hand, and to map how the national government, national state agencies, counties, municipalities, and civil society organizations managed it, on the other. Gudrun Antemar, Admir Skodo
在2015年有162877名寻求庇护者入境后,瑞典于当年11月实施了边境管制。2015年至2016年,新的法律限制了寻求庇护者获得永久居留权、家庭团聚和社会权利的可能性。瑞典政府表示,这些措施是必要的,因为大量入境引发了难民危机。对于一个长期以欢迎寻求庇护者为荣的国家来说,这些都是影响深远的变化。但是,与瑞典国家政府和主流媒体声称的威胁瑞典国家主权相反,我表明,这种感知到的危机一方面是通过诉诸国家和国际法来证明、断言和扩展它,另一方面是寻求庇护者、非法移民、恐怖主义和危机之间的联系链。与此同时,我还揭示了这场被认为是危机的危机是如何暴露出瑞典不同级别治理之间的分歧的,尤其是市政当局,他们反对中央政府将2015年描述为对瑞典主权和国内治理的根本威胁。事实上,市政当局试图将2015年描绘成一个艰难但有价值的教训,以扩大服务和能力,帮助人们逃离迫害。在本章中,我主要通过分析一份关于难民危机的官方政府报告(Statens Offentliga Utredningar)来质疑这种动态。我的分析还基于我在2017年对瑞典移民局执行官员和瑞典东南部当地公务员进行的新闻文章和采访。该报告于2017年发布,题为“Att ta emot människor ppvflykt: Sverige hösten 2015”(“接收难民:2015年秋季的瑞典”-以下简称“接收难民”),是2016年成立的瑞典政府委员会的最终成果。政府指示委员会一方面描述构成难民危机的事件顺序,另一方面描绘国家政府、国家机构、县、市和民间社会组织如何管理难民危机。古德伦·安特玛尔,斯科多将军
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引用次数: 1
List of tables 表格一览表
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00004
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00001
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00022
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引用次数: 0
Images of crisis and the crisis of images 危机的形象和形象的危机
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00014
Jelena Jovičić
The period 2015–2016 in Sweden (and beyond) became largely known as the refugee crisis – a construct readily associated with a negative event or a destabilizing period of time, which can affect both individuals and larger groups and societies. The term crisis came alongside the word ‘refugee’ – a pairing which is particularly loaded and comes with highly problematic political impositions. For example, how did people fleeing come to embody the term crisis? Media coverage of the events has been vast. Images and video material of boats crowded with de-faced and de-named black and brown bodies, images of indignity such as precarious living conditions and police abuse, as well as death and mourning. A common photographic style found in newspapers is that of a bird’s-eye view – shots taken ‘from above’, which create a link to National Geographic’s style of capturing ‘wild life’ that is present before our eyes yet too dangerous to approach closely. Importantly, these relationships are manifestations of power structures: the gaze of the photographer/film-maker directed at their subject, the counter gaze of the subject towards the photographer and the spectator of the image. There are also the gaze of the editors in charge of selecting the right image for publishing and, importantly, the gaze of the researcher while collecting and analysing these very images. Therefore, naming an event a refugee crisis is not only a matter of language, but also that of knowledge production and construction of specific realities. In relation to that, Rose (2016) argues that images offer worldviews – they are not innocent carriers of a message to the world, rather, they give us interpretations of the world that are carried out in very particular ways. In order to explore these worldviews, and as this chapter will further illustrate, I turn to study what I call the crisis of images in Swedish newspaper dailies Dagens Nyheter (DN) and Svenska Dagbladet (SvD). What I refer to as the crisis of images is embedded in the simplified, shock and threat inducing portrayal of the very complex issues of flight, whereby people on the move are often forced to embody stereotypical and violent imageries. Jelena Jovičić
2015年至2016年期间,瑞典(及以后)在很大程度上被称为难民危机——这是一个很容易与负面事件或不稳定时期联系在一起的概念,它可以影响个人、更大的群体和社会。“危机”(crisis)一词与“难民”(refugee)一词一起出现,这两个词的含义尤其丰富,并伴随着高度有问题的政治强加。例如,人们逃离是如何体现危机这个词的?媒体对这些事件进行了广泛的报道。船上挤满了被抹掉脸和名字的黑色和棕色尸体的图像和视频材料,不稳定的生活条件和警察虐待等侮辱的图像,以及死亡和哀悼的图像。报纸上常见的一种摄影风格是鸟瞰图——从“上方”拍摄,这与《国家地理》杂志拍摄“野生动物”的风格相联系,这些野生动物就在我们眼前,但太危险了,不能近距离接触。重要的是,这些关系是权力结构的表现:摄影师/电影制作人凝视着他们的拍摄对象,而拍摄对象则反过来凝视着摄影师和观众。还有负责选择合适图片发表的编辑的凝视,更重要的是,研究者在收集和分析这些图片时的凝视。因此,将一个事件命名为难民危机不仅是一个语言问题,也是一个知识生产和具体现实建构的问题。与此相关,Rose(2016)认为图像提供了世界观——它们不是向世界传递信息的无辜载体,相反,它们以非常特殊的方式向我们提供了对世界的解释。为了探索这些世界观,正如本章将进一步说明的那样,我转向研究我所谓的瑞典报纸日报《每日新闻》(DN)和《瑞典日报》(SvD)的图像危机。我所说的形象危机嵌入在对非常复杂的飞行问题的简化、震惊和威胁的描绘中,在这种情况下,移动中的人们往往被迫体现出刻板和暴力的形象。伊莲娜乔维č我ć
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引用次数: 0
Media constructions of the refugee crisis in Sweden 瑞典难民危机的媒体建构
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00015
D. Abdelhady
In an article entitled ‘The Death of the Most Generous Nation on Earth’, American journalist James Traub (2016) claims that ‘The vast migration of desperate souls from Syria, Iraq, and elsewhere has posed a moral test the likes of which Europe has not faced since the Nazis forced millions from their homes in search of refuge. Europe has failed that test.’ Sweden stands out as an exception in Traub’s analysis due to the country’s generous refugee reception policies. These policies, however, are bound to fail, and Traub argues that Sweden has to pay ‘for its unshared idealism’. That Sweden had a generous refugee policy (see also chapter 5) is a component of Swedish identity, both as viewed by most Swedes themselves and as viewed by others, despite the variety of academic arguments challenging that image. To name a few examples: researchers have documented the negative experiences of asylum seekers awaiting a decision (Brekke, 2004); the inhumane conditions at detention centres (Khosravi, 2009); the process of credibility assessment that assumes fraudulence on part of asylum seekers (Noll, 2005); the institutionalised power imbalance between asylum claimants and the authorities that challenge these claims in the legal process (Joormann, 2019; see also chapter 2); and the inhumane views of the Other that shape different levels of the migration bureaucracy (Barker, 2012; Schoultz, 2013; see also chapter 9). It is, therefore, logical to wonder how Sweden’s image as generous, humane and righteous has persisted despite such evidence. Additionally, given the drastic shifts in refugee policies following the summer of 2015 (see chapter 3), and if we accept Traub’s characterisation of ‘unshared idealism’ as the basis for such shifts, tracing the transformation of such an idealism helps our understanding of Swedish cultural and political climate and the position of refugees within it. Importantly, and to use the arguments put forth in this book, if we understand the policy changes as a form of bureaucratic violence, how has this form of violence been formulated, communicated and consolidated in society? Dalia Abdelhady
在一篇名为《地球上最慷慨的国家之死》的文章中,美国记者詹姆斯·特劳布(James Traub, 2016)声称,“来自叙利亚、伊拉克和其他地方的绝望灵魂的大规模移民构成了一种道德考验,这种考验是自纳粹迫使数百万人离开家园寻求庇护以来欧洲从未面临过的。”欧洲未能通过这一考验。在特劳布的分析中,瑞典是一个例外,因为该国慷慨的难民接待政策。然而,这些政策注定会失败,特劳布认为,瑞典必须为“不共享的理想主义”付出代价。瑞典有一个慷慨的难民政策(参见第五章),这是瑞典身份的一个组成部分,在大多数瑞典人自己和其他人看来都是如此,尽管各种各样的学术争论挑战了这种形象。举几个例子:研究人员记录了寻求庇护者等待决定的负面经历(Brekke, 2004);拘留中心的非人道条件(Khosravi, 2009);假设部分寻求庇护者存在欺诈行为的可信度评估过程(Noll, 2005);庇护申请人与在法律程序中质疑这些要求的当局之间制度化的权力不平衡(Joormann, 2019;参见第二章);以及塑造不同层次移民官僚机构的非人道的他者观点(Barker, 2012;Schoultz, 2013;因此,合乎逻辑的疑问是,尽管有这样的证据,瑞典慷慨、人道和正义的形象是如何持续下去的。此外,鉴于2015年夏天之后难民政策的急剧变化(见第3章),如果我们接受特劳布对“非共享理想主义”的描述作为这种变化的基础,那么追踪这种理想主义的转变有助于我们理解瑞典的文化和政治气候以及难民在其中的地位。重要的是,借用本书提出的论点,如果我们把政策变化理解为一种官僚暴力,那么这种形式的暴力是如何在社会中形成、传播和巩固的?Dalia Abdelhady
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引用次数: 3
Social class, economic capital and the Swedish, German and Danish asylum systems 社会阶层、经济资本以及瑞典、德国和丹麦的庇护制度
Pub Date : 2020-03-25 DOI: 10.7765/9781526146847.00009
Martin Joormann
As groups of forcibly displaced people have moved to the spotlight of public debate in Europe, they are also being targeted by multiple welfare state interventions in many countries. This book analyses the tensions that emerge within strong welfare states when faced with large migration flows. It also interrogates the phenomenon of the 2015 'refugee crisis' and its foreplay and aftermath in the context of Northern Europe and challenges the notion of crisis as a feature of contemporary realities. With an eye to the daily strategies and experiences of newly settled populations, the different chapters tackle the roles of actors such as state agencies, civil society organizations, media discourses or welfare policies in shaping those experiences. Contributions are included from several academic disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, history, political science and cultural studies. (Less)
随着被迫流离失所者群体成为欧洲公众辩论的焦点,他们也成为许多国家多重福利国家干预措施的目标。这本书分析了当面对大量移民流动时,强大的福利国家内部出现的紧张局势。它还质疑了2015年“难民危机”的现象及其在北欧背景下的前戏和后果,并挑战了危机作为当代现实特征的概念。着眼于新定居人口的日常战略和经验,不同章节探讨了国家机构、民间社会组织、媒体话语或福利政策等行为体在塑造这些经验方面的作用。贡献包括来自几个学科,如社会学,人类学,历史学,政治学和文化研究。(少)
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引用次数: 1
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Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies in Northern Europe
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