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Chapter VI: Spaces of Resistance in China: The Weiquan Movement from a Socio-Spatial Perspective 第六章:中国的反抗空间:社会空间视角下的卫权运动
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/9783828872653-119
T. Bohne
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引用次数: 0
Chapter VIII: Nudging with Chinese Characteristics: An Adapted Approach from the Global North to Achieve a Sustainable Future? 第八章:中国特色的推动:全球北方实现可持续未来的适应方式?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/9783828872653-172
R. Hägele
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引用次数: 2
Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis Titelei /目录。
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/9783828872653-i
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引用次数: 0
Chapter VII: The Chinese Social Credit System: A Magical Tool of Governance in the Big Data Era? 第七章:中国社会信用体系:大数据时代治理的神奇工具?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/9783828872653-140
Judith Petersen
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引用次数: 0
Chapter III: The Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: How China’s Assertive Strategies in the South China Sea Lead to Foreign-Political Confrontation 第三章:魔鬼与深蓝海:中国在南海的强硬战略如何导致外交政治对抗
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/9783828872653-46
Saina Klein
The South China Sea has trapped the gaze of the globe onto its waters. As the risk of confrontation lingers on, military buildup is assisting the protection of the economic development of certain key players within this territorial dispute. Composed of an abundance of resources, rising animosity between states, and China’s assertive stance, which loops most of this sea into its territory, the waters of the South China Sea have become fractious. The semi-enclosed sea is located at the foot of China’s southern border, squeezed in between the east of Vietnam and the west of the Philippines, and touches the northern borders of Brunei and Malaysia. Located centrally within Southeast Asia, the South China Sea is the gravitational center of East Asian economic growth (Buszynski 2015: 2). It acts as the geographical channel connecting Northeast and Southeast Asia. The overlapping claims of several governments, including China and Vietnam among others, to territorial sovereignty and maritime rights constitute the disputes in the South China Sea. China delineates its claims in this sea by its nine-dash line, which envelops 90 percent of it into its exclusive economic zone (EEZ). Situated in these waters are the Paracels and the Spratlys, two uninhabited island groups, the jurisdiction over which—along with the related waters—is disputed by the various claimants involved. China’s expanding presence in this sea has been met with growing assertiveness from other claimants, such as Vietnam. Resource accumulation and the concern over sovereignty have generated tension, which revolves heavily around the South China Sea—challenging the security and inhibiting the development of the Asia-Pacific region at large. Additionally, the regional maritime dispute has garnered international attention and brought overseas stakeholders in. The involvement of the United States (US) through its “Pivot to Asia,” a strategy which shifts its foreign policy focus to Asia through renewed diplomatic engagement and military redeployment there, has exacerbated the already volatile atmosphere of the region. Through the US’ amplified role, the waters
南中国海吸引了全世界的目光。由于对抗的危险仍然存在,军事集结正在协助保护这一领土争端中某些关键国家的经济发展。由丰富的资源、国家间日益加剧的敌意和中国的强硬立场组成的南中国海水域已经变得难以驾驭。这片半封闭的海域位于中国南部边境的脚下,夹在越南东部和菲律宾西部之间,与文莱和马来西亚的北部边界接壤。南海地处东南亚腹地,是东亚经济增长的重心(Buszynski 2015: 2),是连接东北亚和东南亚的地理通道。包括中国和越南在内的几个国家对领土主权和海洋权利的重叠主张构成了南中国海的争端。中国通过九段线划定了其在该海域的主权主张,这条线将该海域的90%纳入其专属经济区(EEZ)。位于这些水域的是西沙群岛和南沙群岛,这两个无人居住的群岛,其管辖权以及相关水域都受到各方的争议。中国在南中国海不断扩大的存在,遭到了越南等其他声索国日益强硬的回应。资源积累和主权关切引发紧张局势,主要围绕南海问题,对亚太地区的安全构成挑战,对亚太地区的发展构成制约。此外,地区海洋争端引起了国际社会的关注,并吸引了海外利益攸关方的参与。美国通过其“重返亚洲”(Pivot to Asia)战略将其外交政策重点转移到亚洲,通过恢复外交接触和在该地区重新部署军事力量,加剧了该地区本已动荡的气氛。通过美国的放大作用,水
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引用次数: 0
Chapter I: Introduction: Reassessing Chinese Politics in the Twenty-First Century 第一章:绪论:对21世纪中国政治的再评估
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/9783828872653-1
Nele Noesselt
The general threat scenario among observers based in the US and Europe was the emergence of an illiberal script of global order (Boyle 2016). The People’s Republic of China (PRC) was perceived as the most powerful and likely challenger to US supremacy and to the institutional settings established after World War II (see, among others, Jacques 2012). These scenarios are inspired by models of power transition theory (Organski 1958; Organski and Kugler 1980) derived from the ex post interpretation of the rise and fall of hegemonic powers.
在美国和欧洲的观察人士中,普遍的威胁情景是出现了一种不自由的全球秩序剧本(Boyle 2016)。中华人民共和国(PRC)被认为是美国霸权和二战后建立的制度设置的最强大、最可能的挑战者(见Jacques 2012)。这些情景受到权力转移理论模型的启发(Organski 1958;Organski and Kugler 1980)源于对霸权国家兴衰的事后解释。
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引用次数: 1
Chapter IV: Lancang or Mekong? Power Capacities of Thailand and Vietnam in the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism 第四章:澜沧江还是湄公河?泰国和越南在澜沧江-湄公河合作机制中的电力能力
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/9783828872653-70
Henning Spreckelmeyer
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引用次数: 0
Chapter V: Birds’ Unequal Struggle to Escape the Authoritarian Cage of Governance. Civil Society in China and Taiwan: Does Strength Matter to Achieving Democratization? 第五章:鸟类为逃离威权统治的牢笼而进行的不平等斗争。中国与台湾的公民社会:实力对民主化是否重要?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/9783828872653-91
Susanne Brunnbauer
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引用次数: 0
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Reassessing Chinese Politics
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