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Constitutional Orphan最新文献

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Validity 有效性
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190092795.003.0003
Paula A. Monopoli
Chapter 2 surfaces the history around the decision, by both the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) and the National Woman’s Party (NWP), to immediately pivot to other goals after ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. While each monitored the litigation around the validity of the Nineteenth Amendment, NAWSA and the NWP both had conventions that resulted in adoption of a new mission. The chapter looks closely at the debates among each group’s members as to what its new mission should be. It concludes that the immediate pivot of each group played a role in the Nineteenth Amendment’s less-than-robust constitutional meaning.
第二章揭示了美国全国妇女选举权协会(NAWSA)和全国妇女党(NWP)在批准第19条修正案后立即转向其他目标的决定的历史。在各自监督围绕第十九修正案有效性的诉讼的同时,NAWSA和NWP都有导致采用新使命的公约。这一章密切关注了每个小组成员之间关于其新使命应该是什么的辩论。它的结论是,每个群体的直接支点在第十九条修正案不那么强大的宪法意义中发挥了作用。
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引用次数: 0
Ratification 批准
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190092795.003.0002
Paula A. Monopoli
Chapter 1 describes two national suffrage organizations’ efforts, in the final years prior to ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. It highlights the split between members of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), over whether a state-by-state approach to suffrage, or a federal suffrage amendment, was the best strategy to achieve the vote for women. That split caused Alice Paul to form a separate organization, the National Woman’s Party (NWP). The chapter foreshadows how that deep division had an impact on the constitutional development of the federal suffrage amendment, after its eventual ratification in 1920.
第一章描述了在第十九修正案批准前的最后几年里,两个国家选举权组织所做的努力。它凸显了全美妇女选举权协会(NAWSA)成员之间的分歧,即是各州的选举权方式,还是联邦选举权修正案,才是争取妇女投票权的最佳策略。这次分裂导致爱丽丝·保罗成立了一个独立的组织,全国妇女党(NWP)。这一章预示了这种深刻的分歧对1920年联邦选举权修正案最终获得批准后宪法发展的影响。
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引用次数: 3
Voting and Holding Public Office 选举和担任公职
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190092795.003.0007
Paula A. Monopoli
Chapter 6 considers the same issue as Chapter 5, except within the context of the right to hold public office. Many suffragists characterized the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment as having secured their political liberty or freedom. Yet, as both Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 explain, that understanding of the meaning and scope of the Nineteenth Amendment was not shared by many state courts. Much as they had used statutory construction to limit the potential impact of the Nineteenth Amendment on women’s eligibility for jury service, many state courts embraced a constricted view of the scope of the Nineteenth Amendment on other political rights beyond voting, like holding elective or appointive office. This ensured the continuation of women’s partialized citizenship for decades after ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment.
第六章讨论的问题与第五章相同,但在担任公职的权利范围内除外。许多妇女参政论者认为,第19条修正案的批准确保了她们的政治自由。然而,正如第五章和第六章所解释的那样,许多州法院对第十九条修正案的意义和范围的理解并不相同。就像他们使用法定解释来限制第十九条修正案对女性担任陪审团资格的潜在影响一样,许多州法院对第十九条修正案在投票以外的其他政治权利(如担任选举或任命职务)上的适用范围持一种狭隘的看法。这确保了妇女的部分公民权在第十九修正案批准后的几十年里继续存在。
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引用次数: 0
Enforcement Legislation 执行立法
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190092795.003.0004
Paula A. Monopoli
Chapter 3 raises the issue of how race intersected with the constitutional development of the Nineteenth Amendment. It argues that the immediate pivot of the National Woman’s Party (NWP), to a federal equal rights amendment, played a significant role in the failure of enforcement legislation to be enacted by Congress. The chapter explores the fear of a “Second Reconstruction,” by white southern congressmen, as an element in that story. And it suggests that the NWP’s failure to support African American women suffragists, and white NWP members who were co-founders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), was both a moral and a strategic failing. That choice, animated by concerns around white southern political support for the proposed equal rights amendment, contributed to the failure of enforcement legislation. The chapter links the lack of such legislation to the absence of a federal judicial forum, in which to more fully develop the meaning and scope of the Nineteenth Amendment.
第三章提出了种族问题是如何与第十九修正案的宪法发展交织在一起的。它认为,全国妇女党(NWP)立即转向联邦平等权利修正案,这在国会未能颁布执法立法方面发挥了重要作用。这一章探讨了南方白人国会议员对“第二次重建”的恐惧,作为这个故事的一个因素。它还表明,NWP未能支持非裔美国妇女参政论者,以及作为全国有色人种协进会(NAACP)联合创始人的NWP白人成员,这既是道德上的失败,也是战略上的失败。由于担心南方白人政治支持提议的平等权利修正案,这一选择导致了执法立法的失败。本章将缺乏此类立法与缺乏联邦司法论坛联系起来,以便更充分地发展第十九条修正案的含义和范围。
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引用次数: 0
Defining Equality 定义平等
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190092795.003.0008
Paula A. Monopoli
Chapter 7 describes how class intersected with the Nineteenth Amendment, in the context of the United State Supreme Court’s decision in Adkins v. Children’s Hospital and the divisions over a proposed Equal Rights Amendment. It explores the NWP’s negotiations with social feminists and legal progressives, in the three years after ratification. That negotiation was focused on modifying the language of the proposed Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), to ensure that courts would not use it to strike down protective labor legislation for women. These efforts came to naught, and the “neutrality feminists” within the NWP arranged for the ERA to be introduced into Congress in 1923. Chapter 7 argues that Adkins was the high watermark for a potentially robust or “thick” interpretation of the Nineteenth Amendment. Social feminists and legal progressives feared that the ERA would be used in the same way Justice Sutherland invoked the Nineteenth Amendment in Adkins, to justify invalidating minimum wage legislation for women. One consequence of this battle over the ERA is that it has still not been ratified, one hundred years later. But, another consequence was to create a vacuum around the Nineteenth Amendment, contributing to the thin constitutional conception that emerged following ratification.
第七章描述了在美国最高法院对阿德金斯诉儿童医院案的判决以及对提议的平等权利修正案的分歧的背景下,阶级是如何与第十九条修正案相交的。它探讨了国家工人党在批准后的三年中与社会女权主义者和法律进步人士的谈判。那次谈判的重点是修改拟议的《平等权利修正案》(ERA)的措辞,以确保法院不会用它来推翻保护妇女的劳工立法。这些努力都付诸东流,NWP内部的“中立女权主义者”于1923年将《性别平等法案》提交给了国会。第七章认为,阿德金斯是对宪法第十九修正案作出强有力或“粗厚”解释的最高标志。社会女权主义者和法律进步人士担心,《平等时期法案》会像萨瑟兰法官在阿德金斯案中援引《第十九修正案》一样,被用来证明女性最低工资立法无效。这场战争的一个后果是,在一百年后的今天,它仍然没有得到批准。但是,另一个后果是在第十九修正案周围创造了一个真空,导致了批准后出现的薄弱的宪法概念。
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引用次数: 0
Voting and Jury Service 投票及陪审团服务
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190092795.003.0006
Paula A. Monopoli
Chapter 5 delves into the state cases, which asked whether voting and jury service for women were coextensive. While most courts saw the Nineteenth Amendment as self-executing in terms of voting, many construed it narrowly in terms of whether its scope encompassed other political rights, beyond voting. The chapter connects the lack of congressional enforcement legislation, pursuant to the Nineteenth Amendment, to this thin conception of its scope. It suggests that the NWP and the NLWV, although they were working in other sites of reform, like state legislatures, were not much in the state courts. And it was in those courts, that there was a possibility judges could have been persuaded to adopt a robust interpretation of the Nineteenth Amendment—one that understood it to extend other political rights to women.
第五章深入研究了各州的案例,探讨了妇女的投票权和陪审服务是否同样广泛。虽然大多数法院认为第十九修正案在投票方面是自动执行的,但许多法院对它的解释很狭隘,因为它的范围是否包括投票以外的其他政治权利。根据第十九修正案,这一章将国会执法立法的缺乏与这种对其范围的模糊概念联系起来。这表明,尽管NWP和NLWV在其他改革场所工作,比如州立法机构,但他们在州法院的工作并不多。正是在这些法庭上,法官们才有可能被说服采纳对第19修正案的一种强有力的解释——一种将其理解为赋予妇女其他政治权利的解释。
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引用次数: 1
The Nineteenth Amendment Today 今天的第十九修正案
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190092795.003.0009
Paula A. Monopoli
Chapter 8 concludes that the Nineteenth Amendment can be revitalized today, to more fully ensure women’s equality. It reviews new legal scholarship that suggests direct applications of the Nineteenth Amendment to today’s voting rights challenges. And it describes how some scholars suggest that the Nineteenth should be read together with the Fourteenth Amendment, as a normative matter, to provide a more capacious understanding of the Fourteenth, as applied to women’s rights, beyond voting. Given persistent gender inequality, and the uncertain status of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), the chapter concludes that it is worth revisiting the jurisprudential potential of the Nineteenth Amendment, at its centennial.
第八章的结论是,第十九修正案今天可以重新焕发活力,以更充分地确保妇女的平等。它回顾了新的法律研究,这些研究建议将第十九条修正案直接应用于今天的投票权挑战。它还描述了一些学者如何建议将第十九修正案与第十四修正案放在一起阅读,作为一个规范问题,以提供对第十四修正案更广泛的理解,将其应用于妇女权利,而不仅仅是投票权。鉴于持续存在的性别不平等,以及平等权利修正案(ERA)的不确定地位,本章的结论是,值得在第十九修正案百年之际重新审视其法理潜力。
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引用次数: 0
A Self-Executing Amendment 自动生效的修正案
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190092795.003.0005
Paula A. Monopoli
Chapter 4 examines the state cases that were brought, after ratification, around the validity of voter petitions and elections in which women voted and around preconditions to voting, like poll taxes. Those cases gave state courts a forum to discuss the self-executing nature of the Nineteenth Amendment, in terms of its impact on existing state law. The general conclusion was that the Nineteenth Amendment was self-executing as to voting itself. But state differences in statutory and constitutional construction yielded mixed results, in terms of its actual impact on state laws around voter eligibility, including the requirement that women pay poll taxes. These cases demonstrate the broad discretion in state court judges regarding what was encompassed within “voting” as a matter of constitutional interpretation and statutory construction.
第四章考察了在宪法获得批准后,围绕选民请愿和妇女投票的选举的有效性以及投票的先决条件(如人头税)提起的各州案件。这些案件为州法院提供了一个讨论第十九条修正案的自动执行性质的论坛,就其对现有州法律的影响而言。总的结论是,就投票本身而言,第十九条修正案是自动执行的。但各州在法律和宪法构建方面的差异产生了不同的结果,就其对有关选民资格的州法律的实际影响而言,包括女性缴纳人头税的要求。这些案件表明,作为宪法解释和法律解释问题,州法院法官对“投票”所包含的内容具有广泛的自由裁量权。
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引用次数: 0
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