Pub Date : 2022-12-16DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.442
Nur Mujahadah Khoiriyah, Nur Aidini
Tulisan ini dibuat untuk mendiskusikan terbentuknya pakta keamanan aliansi Amerika Serikat, Inggris dan Australia (AUKUS) sebagai manuver terbaru untuk memperkuat hegemoni Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Terdapat dampak positif dan negatif dari Australia sebagai negara yang direncanakan akan menerima bantuan armada kapal selam bertenaga nuklir selama beberapa dekade mendatang. Topik ini menjadi penting karena AUKUS dinilai membahayakan perdamaian dan keamanan kekuasaan dengan penggunaan senjata nuklir, meskipun dengan kesepakatan ini menjadi langkah untuk menghentikan Cina berkonfrontasi atau melakukan pelanggaran perbatasan di beberapa negara di kawasan. Metode penelitian dalam tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan memperoleh berbagai literatur yang berkaitan dengan kebijakan pertahanan dan keamanan dan teori neorealisme. Tulisan ini turut mengkorelasikan topik AUKUS dengan konsep high politics. Dalam tulisan ini juga dipaparkan bagaimana dampak AUKUS dan sikap Indonesia dalam menghadapinya.
{"title":"Pakta Keamanan Trilateral Aliansi Amerika Serikat, Australia, dan Inggris (AUKUS) Dalam Perspektif Neorealisme","authors":"Nur Mujahadah Khoiriyah, Nur Aidini","doi":"10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.442","url":null,"abstract":"Tulisan ini dibuat untuk mendiskusikan terbentuknya pakta keamanan aliansi Amerika Serikat, Inggris dan Australia (AUKUS) sebagai manuver terbaru untuk memperkuat hegemoni Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Terdapat dampak positif dan negatif dari Australia sebagai negara yang direncanakan akan menerima bantuan armada kapal selam bertenaga nuklir selama beberapa dekade mendatang. Topik ini menjadi penting karena AUKUS dinilai membahayakan perdamaian dan keamanan kekuasaan dengan penggunaan senjata nuklir, meskipun dengan kesepakatan ini menjadi langkah untuk menghentikan Cina berkonfrontasi atau melakukan pelanggaran perbatasan di beberapa negara di kawasan. Metode penelitian dalam tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan memperoleh berbagai literatur yang berkaitan dengan kebijakan pertahanan dan keamanan dan teori neorealisme. Tulisan ini turut mengkorelasikan topik AUKUS dengan konsep high politics. Dalam tulisan ini juga dipaparkan bagaimana dampak AUKUS dan sikap Indonesia dalam menghadapinya.","PeriodicalId":340208,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134053064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-16DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.441
Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai
Contemporary China's economic growth has shown a prestigious, spectacular, and increasingly strategic position. This is due to the success of the Beijing’s administration in launching reforms program and open-door policy of the foreign economy in 1978. Based on this research, China's global initiation actually started with the vision and legacy of Deng Xiaoping's leadership, namely the policy of good neighbor relations which was in turn transformed by Xi Jinping through an assertive and ambitious style. This can be seen from the emergence of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This research shows that there are three factors underlying Xi Jinping's choice to formulate BRI as the foreign economic policy agenda. First, BRI is a reform in aligning cooperation and economic integration. Second, the emergence of BRI here is Xi Jinping's rationalization to avoid the risk of excess production capacity after the 2008 global financial crisis, so that BRI is used as a medium for relocating the excess capacity. Third, the emergence of BRI as a foreign economy policy is actually a continuation of the SOEs reform itself. That is, China's SOEs internationalization program must get a special arena through the full intervention of Xi Jinping.
{"title":"Kebijakan Ekonomi Luar Negeri China dari Masa ke Masa dan Ambisi Internasionalisasi BUMN China di Tangan Xi Jinping","authors":"Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai","doi":"10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.441","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary China's economic growth has shown a prestigious, spectacular, and increasingly strategic position. This is due to the success of the Beijing’s administration in launching reforms program and open-door policy of the foreign economy in 1978. Based on this research, China's global initiation actually started with the vision and legacy of Deng Xiaoping's leadership, namely the policy of good neighbor relations which was in turn transformed by Xi Jinping through an assertive and ambitious style. This can be seen from the emergence of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This research shows that there are three factors underlying Xi Jinping's choice to formulate BRI as the foreign economic policy agenda. First, BRI is a reform in aligning cooperation and economic integration. Second, the emergence of BRI here is Xi Jinping's rationalization to avoid the risk of excess production capacity after the 2008 global financial crisis, so that BRI is used as a medium for relocating the excess capacity. Third, the emergence of BRI as a foreign economy policy is actually a continuation of the SOEs reform itself. That is, China's SOEs internationalization program must get a special arena through the full intervention of Xi Jinping.","PeriodicalId":340208,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123791313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-16DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.438
Hafid Adim Pradana, Ruli Inayah Ramadhoan
Secara historis, hubungan antara North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) dan Rusia senantiasa bersifat konfliktual. Sekalipun demikian, baik Rusia maupun NATO pernah melakukan perencanaan kerjasama pengelolaan sistem pertahanan rudal di Eropa Timur pada tahun 2010, dimana hal itu sempat memunculkan optimisme akan membaiknya hubungan kedua pihak di masa mendatang. Akan tetapi optimisme tersebut mendadak pudar ketika tahun 2015 Rusia memperbarui Russia’s National Security Strategies (RNSS). Tindakan Rusia tersebut segera direspon oleh NATO dengan menerapkan strategi konfrontatif dalam bentuk penempatan pasukan militer di Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania dan juga Polandia. Hal ini tentunya akan berisiko menimbulkan konflik militer langsung antara Rusia dan NATO. Berangkat dari permasalahan tersebut, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa faktor yang melatarbelakangi NATO dalam menerapkan strategi konfrontatif terhadap Rusia di negara-negara Baltik dan juga Polandia. Dengan menggunakan teori strategi kebijakan luar negeri sebagai kerangka analisis, tulisan ini menghasilkan temuan bahwa strategi konfrontatif yang dijalankan NATO didasari oleh adanya persepsi ancaman dan superioritas kapabilitas militer NATO terhadap Rusia.
从历史上看，北大西洋Treaty组织和俄罗斯之间的关系一直是矛盾的。尽管如此，俄罗斯和北约(russia and NATO)一直在计划2010年在东欧建立导弹防御系统管理合作关系，这让双方对未来关系乐观。然而，随着2015年俄罗斯更新俄罗斯国家安全战略(RNSS)，这种乐观突然破灭。北约立即对俄罗斯的行动作出回应，在爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚、立陶宛和波兰部署军队。这当然有可能在俄罗斯和北约之间引发直接军事冲突。从这一问题开始，该研究旨在分析北约在波罗的海国家和波兰实施对抗俄罗斯战略的因素。利用外交政策战略理论作为分析框架，该论文发现，北约发起的对抗战略是基于北约对俄罗斯军事能力的威胁和优越性。
{"title":"Strategi Konfrontatif NATO Terhadap Rusia di Negara-Negara Baltik dan Polandia","authors":"Hafid Adim Pradana, Ruli Inayah Ramadhoan","doi":"10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.438","url":null,"abstract":"Secara historis, hubungan antara North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) dan Rusia senantiasa bersifat konfliktual. Sekalipun demikian, baik Rusia maupun NATO pernah melakukan perencanaan kerjasama pengelolaan sistem pertahanan rudal di Eropa Timur pada tahun 2010, dimana hal itu sempat memunculkan optimisme akan membaiknya hubungan kedua pihak di masa mendatang. Akan tetapi optimisme tersebut mendadak pudar ketika tahun 2015 Rusia memperbarui Russia’s National Security Strategies (RNSS). Tindakan Rusia tersebut segera direspon oleh NATO dengan menerapkan strategi konfrontatif dalam bentuk penempatan pasukan militer di Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania dan juga Polandia. Hal ini tentunya akan berisiko menimbulkan konflik militer langsung antara Rusia dan NATO. Berangkat dari permasalahan tersebut, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa faktor yang melatarbelakangi NATO dalam menerapkan strategi konfrontatif terhadap Rusia di negara-negara Baltik dan juga Polandia. Dengan menggunakan teori strategi kebijakan luar negeri sebagai kerangka analisis, tulisan ini menghasilkan temuan bahwa strategi konfrontatif yang dijalankan NATO didasari oleh adanya persepsi ancaman dan superioritas kapabilitas militer NATO terhadap Rusia.","PeriodicalId":340208,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130528261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-16DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.443
Jusmalia Oktaviani, Lusian Riva
The background of this research The background of this research is the military coup in Myanmar in 2021, military coup occurred because of allegations of corruption and election fraud Myanmar in 2020 won by National League for Democracy. Myanmar’s people refuse the coup by doing a demonstration to government and new policies, but Tatmadaw reactionto rejection of the coup resulted a human Rights violations, many victims were killed, violence against society, and violate individual rights. This case raises the issue of human rights violations was conducted by Myanmar post military coup, ASEAN as regional organization in Southeast Asia have the authority to give a response on the issue of human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup. This research used qualitative-descriptive method with liberalism institutionalism and role of international organizations, in this research was conducted to describe the role of ASEAN in resolve the issue of human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup. The result of this research show ASEAN’s role as a communication and cooperation tool to raise this issue in ASEAN’s forum, ASEAN as a platform to generate of five point consensus as a positive solution for Myanmar, and ASEAN as administration platform in promoting realization of five point consensus. All forms of ASEAN’s action in 2021 until 2022 is a part of ASEAN effort to resolve human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup.
{"title":"Peran ASEAN dalam Menghadapi Isu Pelanggaran HAM Pasca Kudeta Militer di Myanmar Tahun 2021","authors":"Jusmalia Oktaviani, Lusian Riva","doi":"10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.443","url":null,"abstract":"The background of this research The background of this research is the military coup in Myanmar in 2021, military coup occurred because of allegations of corruption and election fraud Myanmar in 2020 won by National League for Democracy. Myanmar’s people refuse the coup by doing a demonstration to government and new policies, but Tatmadaw reactionto rejection of the coup resulted a human Rights violations, many victims were killed, violence against society, and violate individual rights. This case raises the issue of human rights violations was conducted by Myanmar post military coup, ASEAN as regional organization in Southeast Asia have the authority to give a response on the issue of human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup. This research used qualitative-descriptive method with liberalism institutionalism and role of international organizations, in this research was conducted to describe the role of ASEAN in resolve the issue of human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup. The result of this research show ASEAN’s role as a communication and cooperation tool to raise this issue in ASEAN’s forum, ASEAN as a platform to generate of five point consensus as a positive solution for Myanmar, and ASEAN as administration platform in promoting realization of five point consensus. All forms of ASEAN’s action in 2021 until 2022 is a part of ASEAN effort to resolve human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup.","PeriodicalId":340208,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123988138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-16DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.440
Emy Sri Reskiyah
Indonesia and Hungary have long established good relations, which is reflected in economic relations, including trade, investment, and tourism. These sectors’ performance is a very important indicator for measuring the success of Indonesia's economic diplomacy with Hungary. This study uses descriptive statistical analysis quantitative methods concerning the bilateral relationship between Indonesia and Hungary in the field of economic cooperation and is followed by an analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT). This paper aims to examine the bilateral relations that exist between Indonesia and Hungary in the field of economic cooperation, especially but not limited to the trade, investment, and tourism sectors as part of economic diplomacy in the last ten years (2013- 2022). The result of this study shows Hungary has the potential as a gateway as well as a new prospective market for Indonesia. To make Hungary a gateway for Indonesia's economic diplomacy in the Central and Eastern European Region, collaboration from the penta helix or multi-stakeholders is needed including the government, business people/practitioners, academics, communities, and the media.
{"title":"Diplomasi Ekonomi Indonesia: Hongaria sebagai Pintu Gerbang Pasar Prospektif di Eropa Tengah dan Timur","authors":"Emy Sri Reskiyah","doi":"10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.440","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesia and Hungary have long established good relations, which is reflected in economic relations, including trade, investment, and tourism. These sectors’ performance is a very important indicator for measuring the success of Indonesia's economic diplomacy with Hungary. This study uses descriptive statistical analysis quantitative methods concerning the bilateral relationship between Indonesia and Hungary in the field of economic cooperation and is followed by an analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT). This paper aims to examine the bilateral relations that exist between Indonesia and Hungary in the field of economic cooperation, especially but not limited to the trade, investment, and tourism sectors as part of economic diplomacy in the last ten years (2013- 2022). The result of this study shows Hungary has the potential as a gateway as well as a new prospective market for Indonesia. To make Hungary a gateway for Indonesia's economic diplomacy in the Central and Eastern European Region, collaboration from the penta helix or multi-stakeholders is needed including the government, business people/practitioners, academics, communities, and the media.","PeriodicalId":340208,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar","volume":"143 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116077096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-16DOI: 10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.439
Louis Harlianto Wicaksono, Muhammad Fauzan Alamari
The wave of refugees that was initiated by the Arab Spring phenomenon has increased the number of refugee arrivals in Italy starting in 2015. Refugees from North Africa who use the Central Mediterranean Route to reach mainland Italy pose a new threat to the Italian government related to the refugee crisis that occurred. The anti-refugee stance formed by the Italian government which was implemented through the Closed Port Policy and the Salvini Decree-Law on Immigration is a policy that was formed after the victory of the right-wing party in Italy. Italy's repressive policies, which exclude international law from the 1951 Convention and the European Union's CEAS on the issue of refugees, become an interesting topic to study how the domestic. level has a major influence on the rejection of refugees by the Italian government. In explaining how the role of the domestic level influences foreign policy, the author uses the concept of Neoclassical Realism by Gideon Rose which is supported through a qualitative method approach with data collection techniques in the form of literature studies. Based on the discussion and analysis, there are three points on how the domestic level plays a major role in the policy of rejecting refugees from North Africa. First, the use of the Put Italian First identity as a nationalist spirit generator by Salvini. Second, there is pressure from interest groups and parties to adopt their interests. Third, the anti-refugee factor of Salvini's leadership made the government exclude international law on refugees.
{"title":"Faktor Domestik Penolakan Italia terhadap Pengungsi dari Afrika Utara tahun 2015-2019","authors":"Louis Harlianto Wicaksono, Muhammad Fauzan Alamari","doi":"10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.439","url":null,"abstract":"The wave of refugees that was initiated by the Arab Spring phenomenon has increased the number of refugee arrivals in Italy starting in 2015. Refugees from North Africa who use the Central Mediterranean Route to reach mainland Italy pose a new threat to the Italian government related to the refugee crisis that occurred. The anti-refugee stance formed by the Italian government which was implemented through the Closed Port Policy and the Salvini Decree-Law on Immigration is a policy that was formed after the victory of the right-wing party in Italy. Italy's repressive policies, which exclude international law from the 1951 Convention and the European Union's CEAS on the issue of refugees, become an interesting topic to study how the domestic. level has a major influence on the rejection of refugees by the Italian government. In explaining how the role of the domestic level influences foreign policy, the author uses the concept of Neoclassical Realism by Gideon Rose which is supported through a qualitative method approach with data collection techniques in the form of literature studies. Based on the discussion and analysis, there are three points on how the domestic level plays a major role in the policy of rejecting refugees from North Africa. First, the use of the Put Italian First identity as a nationalist spirit generator by Salvini. Second, there is pressure from interest groups and parties to adopt their interests. Third, the anti-refugee factor of Salvini's leadership made the government exclude international law on refugees.","PeriodicalId":340208,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122264376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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