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TPP – Australian Section-by-Section Analysis of the Enforcement Provisions TPP -澳大利亚执行条款逐条分析
Pub Date : 2013-11-19 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2357259
Kimberlee Weatherall
This paper analyses the leaked 30 August 2013 text of the TPP IP Chapter from an Australian perspective, focusing on the enforcement provisions only. The goal is to assess the compatibility of provisions in the current draft with Australian law and Australia’s international obligations: including TRIPS and the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA). The review has several key purposes: 1. To contribute careful analysis to the current debate on the TPPA IP proposals; 2. To offer input into the Australian processes considering the TPPA; 3. To demonstrate to an international audience the relationship between these provisions and TRIPS; and 4. To demonstrate the relationship between these provisions and existing US Free Trade Agreements like AUSFTA. A surprising number of the provisions go beyond AUSFTA.Reading the IP provisions of the TPP IP chapter leak dated August 2013 is a maddening, dispiriting process. The provisions are written like legislation, not treaty, suggesting a complete lack of good faith and trust on the part of the negotiating countries. There are subtle tweaks of language, the phrases included or not included from previous treaties; the subtle re-wordings that might give a treaty provision an entirely different meaning. Working out the scope of a country’s obligations if even half of this text becomes treaty is going to be extremely difficult. A range of big picture questions arise as to the relationship between any TPP IP chapter and other obligations to which countries may be subject, and I’m not at all convinced we know the answers. On a substantive level, much about the language of these provisions has changed since the US proposals dated February 2011. Some more extreme elements of the US proposals have been removed or watered down; some safeguards or qualifications have been inserted that preserve domestic flexibility or require consideration of user interests or civil liberties and fair process. Despite this, the chapter is still radically unbalanced. There are still far too few safeguards for defendants and third parties in the context of IP litigation. And there are many specific proposals with potentially negative impacts on the litigation process and on the balance of IP law.
本文从澳大利亚的角度分析了2013年8月30日泄露的TPP知识产权章节文本,仅关注执行条款。目的是评估当前草案中的条款是否符合澳大利亚法律和澳大利亚的国际义务:包括与贸易有关的知识产权协定和澳美自由贸易协定。审查有几个主要目的:1。对目前关于TPPA知识产权提案的辩论进行仔细分析;2. 为澳大利亚审议TPPA的程序提供意见;3.向国际观众展示这些规定与与贸易有关的知识产权之间的关系;和4。为了证明这些条款与现有的美国自由贸易协定(如AUSFTA)之间的关系。令人惊讶的是,许多条款超出了澳自贸协定。阅读2013年8月泄露的TPP知识产权章节的知识产权条款是一个令人抓狂、沮丧的过程。这些条款写得像立法,而不是条约,表明谈判国完全缺乏诚意和信任。在语言上有细微的调整,包括以前条约中包括或不包括的短语;微妙的改写可能使条约条款具有完全不同的含义。即使该文本的一半成为条约,也很难确定一个国家的义务范围。关于TPP知识产权协定的任何章节与各国可能承担的其他义务之间的关系,出现了一系列大问题,我完全不相信我们知道答案。在实质性层面上,自美国于2011年2月提出提案以来,这些条款的措辞发生了很大变化。美国提案中一些较为极端的内容已被删除或淡化;加入了一些保障措施或条件,以保持国内灵活性或要求考虑用户利益或公民自由和公平程序。尽管如此,这一章仍然极不平衡。在知识产权诉讼中,对被告和第三方的保障仍然太少。还有许多具体的建议对诉讼程序和知识产权法的平衡有潜在的负面影响。
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引用次数: 5
Uneasy or Accommodating Bedfellows? Common Law and Statute in Employment Regulation 不安的同床共枕还是通融的同床共枕?《雇佣条例》中的普通法和成文法
Pub Date : 2013-11-17 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2356032
J. Riley
In 2005, Professor Phillipa Weeks published an insightful chapter entitled ‘Employment Law – A Test of Coherence Between Statute and Common Law’ in S Corcoran and S Bottomley (eds) Interpreting Statutes. That chapter examined the emergence, development and ultimate emasculation of an implied term of trust and confidence in employment, as a consequence of the interaction of judicial reasoning and legislative intervention. At the time, Professor Weeks bemoaned the ‘dismal state’ of Australian common law, and proposed a solution to the apparent incoherence and doctrinal imperfection in the law. This address will pick up the story where Professor Weeks left off, by considering the influence of developments – judicial and statutory – since publication of this important piece, and will revisit possible solutions in the light of those developments.
2005年,Phillipa Weeks教授在S Corcoran and S Bottomley(主编)《解释成文法》中发表了一篇名为“雇佣法-成文法与普通法一致性的测试”的深刻见解章节。该章审查了作为司法推理和立法干预相互作用的结果,就业中隐含的信任和信心条件的出现、发展和最终的削弱。当时,威克斯教授哀叹澳大利亚普通法的“惨淡状态”,并提出了一个解决方案,以解决法律中明显的不连贯和教义上的不完善。这次讲话将继续威克斯教授的故事,考虑自这篇重要文章发表以来司法和法律发展的影响,并将根据这些发展重新审视可能的解决办法。
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引用次数: 1
Equality Unmodified 平等的
Pub Date : 2012-01-17 DOI: 10.22459/sdut.09.2010.08
R. Graycar, J. Morgan
This chapter examines a proposal to recast Australia’s federal discrimination laws by doing away with the current fragmented approach by which there are separate legislative regimes responding to sex, race, age and disability discrimination and instead replace them with a combined “Equality Act�?. It considers whether the proposal might enhance women’s equality in Australia and whether it might more effectively respond to the fact that women have a multiplicity of intersecting identities – ie, they have a race, a sexuality, differing physical abilities etc – in different times and in different contexts. It also examines whether such an approach might effectively transcend the complaints-based focus of traditional discrimination laws. Finally, the chapter considers the processes and the fora within which these issues have been debated.
本章探讨了一项提案,该提案旨在通过废除目前的支离破碎的方法来重塑澳大利亚的联邦歧视法,通过这种方法,有单独的立法制度来应对性别,种族,年龄和残疾歧视,取而代之的是一个综合的“平等法”。委员会考虑该提案是否能促进澳大利亚妇女的平等,是否能更有效地回应妇女在不同时代和不同背景下具有多重交叉身份的事实——即她们有种族、性取向、不同的身体能力等。它还审查了这种方法是否可以有效地超越传统反歧视法以投诉为基础的重点。最后,本章考虑了辩论这些问题的过程和论坛。
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引用次数: 3
Wearing Thin: Restrictions on Islamic Headscarves and Other Religious Symbols 穿瘦:对伊斯兰头巾和其他宗教标志的限制
Pub Date : 2008-11-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781472564283.ch-007
B. Saul
This paper critically examines three key recent cases of superior courts concerning restrictions on religious symbols: a prohibition on wearing headscarves in Turkish universities, upheld by the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (Sahin v Turkey)(2005); a restriction on a particular kind of Islamic dress in an English school, upheld by the British House of Lords (R (on the Application of Begum) v Headteacher and Governors of Denbigh High School)[2006]; and an absolute ban on wearing a Sikh kirpan (a symbolic dagger) in a Quebecois school, struck down by the Canadian Supreme Court (Multani v Commission scolaire Marguerite-Bourgeoys)[2006]. Each case focused on similar arguments about freedom to manifest one's religion, and dealt with subsidiary arguments about the impact of the respective restrictions on the right to education. While each case proceeded from different factual circumstances, there are considerable differences in their approaches to what were essentially the same human rights law questions. The decision of the European Court of Human Rights is the least satisfactory in both its reasoning and its result; the House of Lords arguably reached the correct result but its reasoning was abbreviated; and the Canadian Supreme Court properly reasoned its way to a correct result.
本文批判性地审查了高等法院最近关于限制宗教符号的三个关键案例:禁止在土耳其大学戴头巾,由欧洲人权法院大法庭支持(Sahin v Turkey)(2005年);英国上议院(R (on Application of Begum) v denhigh High school的校长和管理者)[2006]支持对英国学校特定伊斯兰服装的限制;加拿大最高法院(Multani v . Commission scolaire Marguerite-Bourgeoys)[2006]推翻了一项绝对禁止在魁北克学校佩戴锡克教kirpan(一种象征性匕首)的规定。每个案件都集中在关于表明宗教信仰自由的类似论点上,并处理了关于各自限制对受教育权的影响的附属论点。虽然每一案件都是从不同的事实情况出发的,但它们对基本上相同的人权法问题的处理方法却有相当大的差异。欧洲人权法院的判决在其推理和结果上都是最不令人满意的;上议院可以说得出了正确的结果,但它的推理是简短的;加拿大最高法院通过合理的推理得出了正确的结果。
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引用次数: 3
Defending 'Terrorism': Justifications and Excuses for Terrorism in International Criminal Law 捍卫“恐怖主义”:国际刑法中恐怖主义的正当性和借口
Pub Date : 2008-10-29 DOI: 10.22145/aybil.25.6
B. Saul
The first part of this article outlines the purported causes of terrorism advanced in the UN General Assembly since the 1970s, and the contrary views of States on whether these causes ought to justify or excuse terrorist violence - particularly self-determination or national liberation violence. The second part examines how a limited range of justifications for any new international crime of terrorism could be accommodated by individual defences in international criminal law (including self-defence, and duress/necessity). It then proposes that non-State group actors accused of terrorist crimes should be entitled to plead 'circumstances precluding wrongfulness', drawn analogously from the law of State responsibility. While a narrow class of terrorist acts may be excused by individual or group defences, some acts considered justifiable may still fall outside the scope of defences. To maintain the law's legitimacy, the final part argues that some crimes of terrorism could be regarded as 'illegal but justifiable' (or at least, excusable) in stringently limited, objectively verifiable circumstances, possibly under the rubric of a 'collective defence of human rights'.
本文的第一部分概述了自20世纪70年代以来在联合国大会上提出的所谓恐怖主义的原因,以及各国对这些原因是否应该成为恐怖主义暴力的理由或借口的相反观点-特别是自决或民族解放暴力。第二部分审查国际刑法中的个别辩护(包括自卫和胁迫/必要)如何容纳任何新的国际恐怖主义罪行的有限范围的理由。然后,它建议,被指控犯有恐怖主义罪行的非国家团体行为者应有权为“排除不法行为的情况”辩护,类似地从国家责任法中得出。虽然个别或团体的辩护可以为少数一类恐怖主义行为开脱,但一些被认为是正当的行为仍可能超出辩护的范围。为了维护法律的合法性,最后一部分认为,在严格限制的、客观可证实的情况下,一些恐怖主义罪行可以被视为“非法但正当”(或至少是可以原谅的),可能是在“集体捍卫人权”的名义下。
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引用次数: 12
Collective Bargaining by Independent Contractors: Challenges from Labour Law 独立承包商的集体谈判:来自劳动法的挑战
Pub Date : 2008-01-02 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1079884
S. McCrystal
Collective bargaining by small business actors, including independent contractors, is subject to the anti-competitive conduct provisions in Part IV of the Trade Practices Act 1974 (Cth) (TPA). The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission can authorise the pursuit of conduct that would otherwise breach Part IV, but the process is lengthy and difficult. This article examines suggested changes to the authorisation process that would institute 'collective bargaining notices' for small business actors. The proposed changes were embodied in a Bill introduced into Federal Parliament to amend the TPA in 2005 but which subsequently failed to be enacted. The article discusses the content of the proposed changes and explores the 'traps' lying in the common law (breach of contract, restraint of trade, economic torts) and in the TPA (secondary boycotts) that were not adequately addressed by the proposed collective bargaining notice system. The article argues that common law and TPA challenges to employee collective bargaining remain relevant for independent contractor bargaining. In order to provide meaningful access to collective bargaining for non employee actors, any changes to the TPA must address these alternate areas of potential liability.
包括独立承包商在内的小型企业行为者的集体谈判受《1974年贸易惯例法》(Cth) (TPA)第四部分反竞争行为规定的约束。澳大利亚竞争和消费者委员会(Australian Competition and Consumer Commission)可以授权对违反第四部分的行为进行追究,但这一过程漫长而艰难。本文探讨了对授权过程的建议变更,这些变更将为小型企业行为者制定“集体谈判通知”。2005年,联邦议会提出了一项法案,旨在修改贸易促进权,但该法案随后未能颁布。本文讨论了拟议变更的内容,并探讨了存在于普通法(违约、贸易限制、经济侵权)和贸易促进法(二次抵制)中的“陷阱”,这些陷阱没有被拟议的集体谈判通知制度充分解决。文章认为,普通法和贸易促进权对雇员集体谈判的挑战仍然与独立承包商的谈判有关。为了为非雇员行为者提供有意义的集体谈判机会,对贸易促进权的任何修改都必须解决这些潜在责任的替代领域。
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引用次数: 8
Household Models: An Historical Perspective 家庭模式:一个历史的视角
Pub Date : 2007-12-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1069402
P. Apps, R. Rees
This paper is a survey of the literature on theoretical models of the household, paying particular attention to some of the earlier contributions, and using them to place the current state of the theory in perspective. One of its aims is to suggest that the literature’s neglect of Samuelson’s proposal, that households can be modelled as if they maximised a form of social welfare function, was a mistake. However, the idea following directly from the Nash bargaining models, that the household’s preference ordering over the utility profiles of its members depends on exogenous variables, in particular wage rates and non-wage incomes, is an important one. Combined with Samuelson’s proposal, it can be made the basis for a general approach to modelling household decision taking, flexible enough to encompass non-cooperative behaviour and Pareto inefficiencies arising out of the inevitable incompleteness and unenforceability of domestic agreements. We also point out the importance of household production and some of the implications of its neglect in modelling households. Above all, the aim is to provide a deeper understanding of the current theoretical literature on household economics by means of a survey of its history.
本文对家庭理论模型的文献进行了综述,特别关注了一些早期的贡献,并利用它们来透视理论的现状。其目的之一是表明,文献对萨缪尔森建议的忽视是一个错误,该建议认为,家庭可以被建模为最大化某种形式的社会福利功能。然而,直接从纳什议价模型中得出的观点是,家庭对其成员效用的偏好排序取决于外生变量,特别是工资率和非工资收入,这是一个重要的观点。与萨缪尔森的建议相结合,它可以成为家庭决策建模的一般方法的基础,这种方法足够灵活,可以涵盖非合作行为和帕累托低效,这些低效是由国内协议的不可避免的不完整性和不可执行性引起的。我们还指出了家庭生产的重要性,以及在家庭建模中忽视家庭生产的一些影响。最重要的是,其目的是通过对家庭经济学历史的调查,对当前的家庭经济学理论文献提供更深入的理解。
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引用次数: 87
Law's Legitimacy and 'Democracy-Plus' 法律的正当性与“民主+”
Pub Date : 2006-10-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.937833
W. Sadurski
Is it the case that the law, in order to be fully legitimate, must not only be adopted in a procedurally correct way but must also comply with certain substantive values? In the first part of the paper I prepare the ground for the discussion of legitimacy of democratic laws by considering the relationship between law’s legitimacy, its justification and the obligation to obey the law. If legitimacy of law is seen as based on the law being justified (as in Raz’s service conception), our duty to obey it does not follow automatically: it must be based on some additional arguments. Raz’s conception of legitimate authority does not presuppose, as many critics claim, any unduly deferential attitude towards authorities. Disconnection of the law’s legitimacy from the absolute duty to obey it leads to the central part of the paper which consists in a critical scrutiny of the claim that the democratically adopted law is legitimate only insofar as it expresses the right moral values. This claim is shown to be, under one interpretation (motivational), nearly meaningless or, under another interpretation (constitutional), too strong to survive the pressure from moral pluralism. While we cannot hope for a design of pure procedural democracy (by analogy to Rawlsian pure procedural justice), democratic procedures express the values which animate the adoption of a democratic system in the first place.
为了使法律具有充分的合法性,法律不仅必须以程序上正确的方式通过,而且还必须符合某些实质性的价值?在本文的第一部分中,笔者通过对法律的合法性、正当性与服从法律义务之间关系的考察,为民主法律合法性的探讨做了铺垫。如果法律的正当性被视为基于法律的正当性(如拉兹的服务概念),那么我们遵守法律的义务就不会自动遵循:它必须基于一些额外的论据。拉兹的合法权威的概念并不预先假定,许多批评者声称,任何过分恭敬的态度对当局。法律的合法性与服从法律的绝对义务的分离引出了论文的中心部分,即对民主通过的法律只有在表达正确的道德价值时才是合法的这一主张进行了批判性的审视。根据一种解释(动机),这种说法几乎毫无意义,或者根据另一种解释(宪法),这种说法过于强大,无法承受道德多元化的压力。虽然我们不能指望设计出一种纯粹的程序民主(通过类比罗尔斯的纯粹程序正义),但民主程序首先表达了推动民主制度采用的价值观。
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引用次数: 25
Household Saving and Full Consumption Over the Life Cycle 家庭储蓄与全生命周期消费
Pub Date : 2001-04-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.267948
P. Apps, R. Rees
This paper extends the standard model of life cycle consumption, saving and labor supply in a number of directions. First, it argues that consumption should be defined as expenditure on household production as well as on market goods, that is, we are interested in life cycle profiles of full consumption. If this is done, several well-known puzzles concerning life cycle consumption behaviour are resolved. Secondly, we stress the importance of the heterogeneity of household behaviour in respect of female labour supply and saving, and provide evidence to show that these are very closely related across households. Finally, we formulate theoretical and empirical models incorporating these ideas and use them to show that policy changes, such as a reduction in the progressivity of income taxation, can have effects that contrast sharply with those suggested in the existing literature.
本文从多个方面对全生命周期消费、节约和劳动力供给的标准模型进行了扩展。首先,它认为消费应该被定义为家庭生产和市场商品的支出,也就是说,我们对充分消费的生命周期概况感兴趣。如果做到了这一点,那么关于生命周期消费行为的几个众所周知的难题就解决了。其次,我们强调家庭行为在女性劳动力供给和储蓄方面的异质性的重要性,并提供证据表明这些在家庭之间非常密切相关。最后,我们制定了包含这些想法的理论和实证模型,并使用它们来表明政策变化,例如所得税累进率的降低,可以产生与现有文献中建议的效果形成鲜明对比的效果。
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引用次数: 26
Is there a 'Public Benefit' in Improving Working Conditions for Independent Contractors? Collective Bargaining and the Trade Practices Act 1974 (Cth) 改善独立承办商的工作条件是否有“公共利益”?《1974年集体谈判和贸易惯例法》(联邦)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x0903700204
S. McCrystal
In late 2006, the Commonwealth Parliament passed amendments to the Trade Practices Act 1974 (Cth) that were designed to make it easier for small businesses to engage in collective bargaining. The amendments were sold as providing an opportunity for groups of small businesses to counteract inequality of bargaining power in their dealings with larger businesses. Despite the hype, in reality the changes only enable collective bargaining to take place more easily in cases where public benefit can be demonstrated. This article examines the new provisions over the first two years of their operation, and focuses in particular on their utility for groups of contractor workers who want to engage in collective bargaining in order to improve their working conditions. Utilising the few case studies available from the first 2 years of the provisions’ operation, the discussion examines the difficulties contractor workers face in establishing the ‘public benefit’ of their proposed bargaining arrangements. In particular, the discussion demonstrates that the collective bargaining provisions fail to offer any substantive benefits to groups of contractor workers. Any group of workers with existing market power will be denied the opportunity to collectively bargain due to their pre-existing market position. Workers without existing market power may be allowed to engage in collective bargaining but any proposed bargaining tactics cannot be coercive in effect. This means that in practice, the provisions do not offer a meaningful opportunity for contractor workers to engage in collective bargaining to improve their working conditions.
2006年底,英联邦议会通过了《1974年贸易惯例法》(Cth)修正案,旨在使小企业更容易参与集体谈判。这些修正案的卖点是为小企业集团提供了一个机会,以抵消它们在与大企业打交道时议价能力的不平等。尽管大肆宣传,但实际上,这些变化只会使集体谈判更容易在可以证明公共利益的情况下进行。本文考察了新规定实施的头两年,并特别关注它们对希望参与集体谈判以改善其工作条件的承包商工人群体的效用。本文利用有关条文实施头两年的少数个案研究,探讨承办商在确定其拟议的议价安排的“公共利益”时所面临的困难。特别是,讨论表明,集体谈判条款未能给承包商工人群体带来任何实质性利益。由于现有的市场地位,任何具有现有市场力量的工人群体都将被剥夺集体谈判的机会。没有现有市场力量的工人可以被允许参与集体谈判,但任何提议的谈判策略都不能是强制的。这意味着,在实践中,这些规定并没有为承包商工人提供一个有意义的机会,让他们参与集体谈判以改善他们的工作条件。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
University of Sydney Law School Legal Studies Research Paper Series
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